Suchergebnisse

From a difficult accession process to the full integration into the Schengen area and the Eurozone, ten years into its EU membership Croatia has been a "good EU pupil" and an example for EU candidates to follow. However, challenges remain in reaching European standards, particularly regarding administrative reforms and standards of living.

The population in the European Union has remained stagnant for many years. The continued decline in birth rate and increasing life expectancy are leading to an aging population. In Spain, this aging process has been accelerated. The Spanish case requires a complex multidisciplinary analysis to achieve a proper understanding of this population phenomenon that has serious consequences for Spain. This paper analyzes the causes of the aging population and its future consequences. Multiple data sources, mostly from the National Institute of Statistics and Ministry of Labour and Social Security, are used to support the analyses. For several years, many immigrants have arrived in Spain, resulting in a significant increase in population and a decrease in the rates of aging. A positive and intense migratory balance has stopped, and shows signs of change. Numerous elements indicate that the Spanish economy does not suffer a transient crisis situation; there is a depletion of the production model, hindering a quick exit from the situation of economic and financial crisis. In this context, it is not easy to get a new and favorable migratory balance. A significant Spanish demographic weakness is confirmed; the population structure has not changed despite the recent intense immigration process. The threat of the demographic regression is announced in a near temporal horizon.

AbstractFrom its inception the European Community had a civil aim: the need to stimulate a European civil consciousness. Viewed as a pre-condition for the popular acceptance of increased European integration, this provided the rationale for the Community's public communication policy of 1951–1967. The Community pursued this civil aim through two distinct public communication approaches: popularist (1951–1962) and opinion leader led (1963–1967). We contend that the way the Community undertook its public communication policy cannot be understood without considering the Community's civil aim. This leads us to question some of the common views held concerning the significance of European public communication policy from 1951 to 1967.1

In this study, we evaluate whether the increase in the number of intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) has resulted in their increased use for foreign policy behavior by the nations of the world. This question is examined in three related ways: (1) the aggregate use of IGOs for foreign policy behavior; (2) the relationship between IGO membership and IGO use; and (3) the kinds of states that use IGOs. Our data base consists of the 35 nations in the CREON (Comparative Research on the Events of Nations) data set for the years 1959–1968.The main findings are that IGOs were employed over 60 percent of the time with little fluctuation on a year-by-year basis, that global and "high politics" IGOs were used more often than regional and "low politics" IGOs, that institutional membership and IGO use were generally inversely related, and that the attributes of the states had limited utility in accounting for the use of intergovernmental organizations. Some of the theoretical implications of these findings are then explored.

Discussing the relationship between the EU Network of Independent Expertson Fundamental Rights and the forthcoming Fundamental Rights Agency, the Working Document of 25 March 2004 on the proposal for a Council Regulation on the European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia (Recast version) prepared with the European Parliament's Committee on Citizens' Freedomsand Rights, Justice and Home Affairs (rapp. J. Swiebel) concluded: "Itisimpor tanttostr esstha t theanal ytical, evaluative and advisory functions of the Experts' Network continue to befulfilled in an independent way. This should not prevent close links between the Human Rights Agency and the Experts' Network being established." This paper is an up dated version of the presentations given by the authors at the ERA conference "European Fundamental Rights Agency", 12–13 June in Trier. The paper was finalised just before consensus was reached by the JHA Council at its Brussels meeting of 4 and 5 December 2006 that not with standing the "pending… examination of the Eur opean Parliament'sopinion" the Agency should beest a blished and functioning as from early 2007 on (Council press release 15801/06, 2768th Council meeting, p. 10).

Discussing the relationship between the EU Network of Independent Expertson Fundamental Rights and the forthcoming Fundamental Rights Agency, the Working Document of 25 March 2004 on the proposal for a Council Regulation on the European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia (Recast version) prepared with the European Parliament's Committee on Citizens' Freedomsand Rights, Justice and Home Affairs (rapp. J. Swiebel) concluded: "Itisimpor tanttostr esstha t theanal ytical, evaluative and advisory functions of the Experts' Network continue to befulfilled in an independent way. This should not prevent close links between the Human Rights Agency and the Experts' Network being established." This paper is an up dated version of the presentations given by the authors at the ERA conference "European Fundamental Rights Agency", 12–13 June in Trier. The paper was finalised just before consensus was reached by the JHA Council at its Brussels meeting of 4 and 5 December 2006 that not with standing the "pending… examination of the Eur opean Parliament'sopinion" the Agency should beest a blished and functioning as from early 2007 on (Council press release 15801/06, 2768th Council meeting, p. 10).

Discussing the relationship between the EU Network of Independent Expertson Fundamental Rights and the forthcoming Fundamental Rights Agency, the Working Document of 25 March 2004 on the proposal for a Council Regulation on the European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia (Recast version) prepared with the European Parliament's Committee on Citizens' Freedomsand Rights, Justice and Home Affairs (rapp. J. Swiebel) concluded: "Itisimpor tanttostr esstha t theanal ytical, evaluative and advisory functions of the Experts' Network continue to befulfilled in an independent way. This should not prevent close links between the Human Rights Agency and the Experts' Network being established." This paper is an up dated version of the presentations given by the authors at the ERA conference "European Fundamental Rights Agency", 12–13 June in Trier. The paper was finalised just before consensus was reached by the JHA Council at its Brussels meeting of 4 and 5 December 2006 that not with standing the "pending… examination of the Eur opean Parliament'sopinion" the Agency should beest a blished and functioning as from early 2007 on (Council press release 15801/06, 2768th Council meeting, p. 10).

This article looks at how the European Union's research funding invests in, and inevitably shapes, fields of knowledge making. It does so by looking at three levels: what is "SSH" (social sciences and humanities or socio-economic sciences and humanities) constructed as an acronym label, how does the EU research framework programme (FP) work and how is SSH broken down and shaped in these research funding programmes up to the project level. The paper argues that the relationship of SSH and the EU research programmes is ambiguous. On the one hand it forms the largest targeted funding programme for these fields, brings together researchers throughout Europe and produces a sense of "belonging" to a larger community. On the other hand the underlying policy aims, and the marginal position of the SSH labelled programme, within larger structures construct the SSH as a residual category.

There is confluence of views over the rise of China as a global leader in world economy and politics. Having said that, one needs to also understand that the recent years have been challenging for the Chinese state. The challenges did not only emerge from within but also from the external uncertainties. The challenges ahead of China are ever rising and these are shaping up Chinese state's perception on range of global issues. The paper focuses on these challenges which threatened China's growth and diplomatic projections and how the Chinese leadership had to engage in addressing insecurities and forge pathways for the future. In this context, the paper examines the new trends in China's foreign policy since 2008 global financial crisis and how these trends shaped some of the major policies pertained to world politics. The paper also attempts to sketch the pattern in China's external behaviors which was directly correlated with its domestic growth and national interests.


Recebido em: agosto/2019
Aprovado em: janeiro/2020