Suchergebnisse

The third mission of universities, the one that allows the commercialization of research results, has assumed a strategic role and primary importance in government policies, in Europe as well as in the rest of the world. Although this attention has raised interest around topics such as technology transfers and university spin-offs (USOs), the scarcity of available resources and the conventional university culture still did not allow us an optimal use of the opportunities related to this type of activity. It is necessary to develop a network among university, business and finance to create value and transform into business projects the result of years of academic research. The aim of this work is to investigate the phenomenon of USOs and the possible link with the private equity, emphasizing the strategies that such USOs can implement for the development of a network that creates value for universities, investors and the community itself.

International audience ; Based on a survey of national minorities (immigrants as well as immigrant descendants) and the national majority, this article analyses the distribution and explanation of democratic values in Denmark. With respect to democratic rights, the analysis shows that Muslim immigrants and immigrant descendants score slightly lower on democratic principles and family democracy; however, they have more democratic values than the majority of the populations in Western Europe. Democratic values do not differ between immigrants and descendants of the same national group, and differences in values do not depend on immigrants' length of stay in the host society. Among national minorities of mixed religious composition, the differences between the Muslim parts of these nationalities are larger than the differences among national groups. There is no sign of value clash between the Muslim minorities and the majority population with respect to democratic values. Differences in democratic values are explained by nationality, not religion.

Based on a survey of national minorities (immigrants as well as immigrant descendants) and the national majority, this article analyses the distribution and explanation of democratic values in Denmark. With respect to democratic rights, the analysis shows that Muslim immigrants and immigrant descendants score slightly lower on democratic principles and family democracy; however, they have more democratic values than the majority of the populations in Western Europe. Democratic values do not differ between immigrants and descendants of the same national group, and differences in values do not depend on immigrants' length of stay in the host society. Among national minorities of mixed religious composition, the differences between the Muslim parts of these nationalities are larger than the differences among national groups. There is no sign of value clash between the Muslim minorities and the majority population with respect to democratic values. Differences in democratic values are explained by nationality, not religion.

While Western Europe has a long history of facing and studying the issues of immigration, this phenomenon is still recent for the ex-socialist states and has not been studied sufficiently yet. At the same time, the 'closed' nature of the socialist societies and the difficulties of the 'transitional period' of the 1990s predetermine the problems in communication between the migrants and the population majority, the specific features of the forming diasporas and of their probable position in the receiving societies. The study of African migrants in Russia (particularly in Moscow) recently launched by the present authors consists of two interrelated parts: the sociocultural adaptation of migrants from Africa in Russia on the one hand, and the way they are perceived in Russia on the other. One of the key points of the study is the formation or non-formation of diasporas as network communities, as a means of both more successful adaptation and identity support.

International audience ; Our proposal focuses on the Currency Transaction Tax (CTT) and establishes that a trade-off between curbing inflation and generating fiscal revenues is indeed possible. In a first section, we rely on an international political economy approach to retrace the evolution of the political debate at the institutional level and its reflection on the concrete proposals made by economists committed with NGOs. In a second section, we update previous works (Jetin, Bruno 2007) (Jetin, Bruno 2002) to estimate the fiscal revenues of the CTT based on a set of hypotheses and using of the last BIS data on Foreign exchange markets" (BIS 2007). We estimate revenues at the world level and by regions (Europe and Asia), over the period 1989-2007. We use various hypotheses regarding the evolution of the structure of the foreign exchange market and the elasticity of the volume of transactions. We compare our results with other previous estimations.

International audience ; Our proposal focuses on the Currency Transaction Tax (CTT) and establishes that a trade-off between curbing inflation and generating fiscal revenues is indeed possible. In a first section, we rely on an international political economy approach to retrace the evolution of the political debate at the institutional level and its reflection on the concrete proposals made by economists committed with NGOs. In a second section, we update previous works (Jetin, Bruno 2007) (Jetin, Bruno 2002) to estimate the fiscal revenues of the CTT based on a set of hypotheses and using of the last BIS data on Foreign exchange markets" (BIS 2007). We estimate revenues at the world level and by regions (Europe and Asia), over the period 1989-2007. We use various hypotheses regarding the evolution of the structure of the foreign exchange market and the elasticity of the volume of transactions. We compare our results with other previous estimations.

The article explores some of the issues surrounding access to mental health care for asylum seekers, using Belgium as a case in point. Asylum and immigration issues have become increasingly pressing in Europe, with member states seeking a common European Asylum System and establishing minimum standards for the reception of asylum seekers. The EU measures have fallen short of providing and implementing clear guidelines. Significant discrepancies continue to exist between member states, notably policies on health care for refugees, and in particular mental healthcare. Access to mental health care is identified as crucial, yet for many the right to access is theoretical only, and in reality care is often inaccessible. Access should refer not only to the availability, but also the quality and efficacy of care. Refugees are a particularly vulnerable population, and access in the fullest sense of the term should be an essential element in the reception of asylum seekers.

The Italian Province of South Tyrol is often presented as a successful model of the legal regulation of interethnic relations between the majority and minority population in ethnically heterogeneous regions in Europe. South Tyrol has been a place of coexistence of three ethnic groups for centuries, viz. the Italian, the Ladin, and the German. However, the German ethnic group has always outnumbered the other two and such an ethnic structure had led to the establishment of a territorial autonomy within unitary Italy. In this article the author analyses the legal underpinnings of the autonomy concerned, its repercussions on the position of the German language group and on the interethnic relations in South Tyrol. The author focuses in particular on the positive effects of the established autonomy, namely on its role in preserving the distinctive identities of the three ethnic groups and in ensuring peace and stability in the Province and the region at large. ; Peer reviewed

The aims, structure, methods and educational experiences employed in the training of rheumatologists vary from one national programme to another, according to traditions, rules and resources. Mutual recognition of titles, the free movement of labour and the striving towards for high-quality standards in medical care in Europe demand that efforts and progress are made to ensure that similar competencies are achieved by different programmes. The European Rheumatology Curriculum Framework, developed by the European Board of Rheumatology, is meant to be a step towards the harmonization of rheumatology specialist training within the European Union, by providing a reference framework to the development and benchmarking of national curricula for the specialist training of rheumatologists. The European Rheumatology Curriculum Framework has now been endorsed by scientific and educational bodies in 17 member countries. It has been provided with a contextualized review of good practice in curriculum planning and development - the European Board of Rheumatology Educational Guide.

AbstractJustus Lipsius (1547–1606) was among the most influential thinkers of the late 16th/early 17th centuries. His guides for action were highly influential in the establishment of moderate absolutism and what has been called the fiscal-military state across Europe. In this article I explore Lipsian thought in an International Relations context. Special attention is paid to his ideals of discipline, which were meant to order both the ruler and those that he ruled. Dignity, self-restraint and discipline were the recipes for the foreign policy of the prince, while the individual was subordinated to the purposes of the state, and taught to control his own life by mastering his emotions. If not a seminal thinker in his own right, it is necessary to understand Lipsius' thought and influence to be able to fully understand the 17th century theoretical approaches to peace and prosperity and the relative discipline of early-modern statecraft.

SUMMARY:
This article compares regimes of territorial control in national parks in Europe and Russia. The analysis shows that in the Russian context, emphasis is put on interaction between national parks inspectors and actual or potential violators. All other activities of national parks personnel as well as corresponding legislature are framed by this conflict. In European national parks the pattern of territorial control is drastically different: legislation, structural arrangements and practices of national parks are designed to prevent direct contact between rangers and national parks visitors. The author approaches the national park as a system of multiple interactions and proposes an in-depth analysis of six case studies of national parks. The article concludes that the European system of territorial control in national parks developed as a result of tourism, while in the case of Russia it grew out of the practices of hunting and gathering and was influenced by post-Soviet ethno-territorial conflicts.

In this article, I explore an anthropologically underresearched topic, boredom, utilizing ethnographic data from the Australian Aboriginal settlement of Yuendumu and situating that research in a comparative perspective. I examine the concept's genesis and meaning at Yuendumu using the social‐constructivist approach to boredom as proposed in literature studies, sociology, and philosophy. That approach provides an account of how the emergence of boredom in 18th‐century Europe is linked to processes of modernity. That perspective, however, has led to claims that boredom is a Western phenomenon and that its existence elsewhere is because of "Westernization." In this article, I argue against that perspective by linking instances of boredom at Yuendumu to perceptions of personhood and to conceptualizations of being in time—particularly socioculturally specific ways of perceiving time and postcolonial temporalities as generating the emergence of boredom. This boredom is a historically and socioculturally specific phenomenon, arising out of distinct sociocultural engagements with locally particular processes of modernity.