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The article deals with the particularities of intercultural cooperation under the conditions of global society broadening and it's influence on social and cultural relationships transformation. It also investigates the entity of cultural globalization as a nationalities convergence process and forming of new cultural phenomena.Modern processes of globalization promoting progressive civilized development and step-by-step include all the spheres of human activities into the world relationship system. Present day technical progress and global political, economic and cultural changes have prompted our planet, which is penetrated with a thick network of communications, to solve global survival problems, while countries and nations, regardless of existing contradictions and distinctions between them, are searching for methods and means of mutual understanding.Globalization reveals itself by involving many different factors and giving a rise to global transformation which affects all the human fields of life activities – economy, politics and culture.Cultural globalization – is a process in which all the countries and nations are taking part. Some of anthropologists believe in possibility to talk about the shaping of new global culture, or even global consciousness, which testifies the transition to wider cultural areas.Globalization allows nations to communicate more with and learn more about each other, determine differences and reveal similarities which promotes their closing and confirmation in general civilized scope of a single global culture.In today's world the priority is given to the market model of globalization. This means that realization of global processes is considered in a tight correlation of cultural and pecuniary well-being, which incorporates by widening of economical bindings, technical and technological processes and formation of global informative space.This generates the desire of some countries for cultural self-affirmation and an aspire to save their own cultural achievements and values.Integration processes open boundaries, extend culture development prospects, accumulate the most valuable acquirements, up-date and create new channels of communicative cooperation.The content character of intercultural cooperation is determined by the subject of their communication, accordingly the ways of cooperation depend on the goals of communication, peculiarities of its organization, level of preparation, emotional state of mind and possibilities for perception. That is why the process of intercultural cooperation should be implemented through the dialogue. In such a dialogue none of the cultures are able to put in a claim on the right of exceptional voice or to manipulate others thoughts. The relationships have to be built on the ground of mutual understanding, acceptance and pluralism.The development of intercultural communication, its content and results depend on the values which dominate in a culture, standards of behavior and sets. Exactly globalization is able to increase the matter of ethnic culture selfhood, strength the desire to show cultural individuality.Intercultural communicative processes allow to comprehend culture of other nations, understand the mentality of those people who cross freely the boundaries of different countries.The intercultural cooperation, which is becoming an inalienable attribute of human activity, and a process of searching for understanding and concord in modern world may lead the process of cultural globalization to the highquality level. The diversity of the world is being realized and thus it becomes extremely important to be able to identify the cultural peculiarities of global culture constituent elements to understand each other and obtain mutual recognition.So, the communication which is an inalienable attribute of any human activity and a prolonged process of searching for understanding and concord may lead the process of communication and exchange of cultural achievements to the high-quality level.The way globalization manifestes itself is that in our time different local communities are becoming increasingly interdependant. To an increasing degree it is becoming realized the need for ensuring of a stable development for the total mankind as a single fully-variable unit. In such a whole any of local socio-cultural creation is reproduced directly in the context of global processes and structures. This is precisely why the dialogue of cultures is an important feature of modern societies, a necessary social mechanism of their existence in general, the way to provide with an equal right for knowledge and culture which will favour cultural growth and development of each person and countries in the whole.Ukraineis on the primary stage of formation of favorable conditions for intercultural dialogue: our country has a significant amount of legislative acts, which should have provided its success, but their content not always fulfill modern standards. The prospects of further investigations lay in the area of studying general European strategy of intercultural cooperation, which is an extremely important component of foreign and internal policy of countries so long as it defines general goals, directions and priorities of activity in this sphere for regional and national cooperation. ; Рассматриваются особенности межкультурного взаимодействия в условиях развития глобального сообщества, его влияние на трансформацию социокультурных отношений. Исследуется сущность культурной глобализации как процесса сближения народов и формирования новых явлений культуры. Анализируется межкультурная коммуникация как способ повышения значения этнокультурной самобытности, усиления стремления к проявлению культурной индивидуальности. ; Розглядаються особливості міжкультурної взаємодії в умовах розбудови глобального співтовариства та його впливу на трансформацію соціокультурних відносин. Досліджується сутність культурної глобалізації як процесу зближення народів та формування нових явищ культури. Аналізується міжкультурна комунікація як спосіб підвищення значення етнокультурної самобутності, посилення прагнення до прояву культурної індивідуальності.

Analisa o processo de formação de professores primários no Estado do Espírito Santo, no período de 1892 a 1960. Busca compreender como se dava o ensino de Matemática nos cursos de formação ofertados, em geral, pelas Escolas Normais. Utiliza a História Cultural, na perspectiva de Chartier, para esclarecer a trajetória da educação no Estado capixaba, considerando elementos inerentes a esse movimento, como métodos de ensino, avaliação escolar e ação docente. O recorte temporal estabelecido está atrelado a um período de importantes modificações no ensino capixaba, sendo 1892 o ano de criação da primeira Escola Normal do Estado, com destaque para a Reforma Gomes Cardim, iniciada em 1908 pelo então professor paulista Carlos Alberto Gomes Cardim. Na transição da década de 1960 para 1970, as Escolas Normais cederam lugar aos Cursos de Magistério, iniciando-se uma nova etapa na trajetória da formação de professores. Para compreender como surgiram as ideias que culminaram na Reforma Gomes Cardim, fez-se necessário perceber a educação desde o Brasil Império, para assim estabelecer uma contextualização. Em seguida buscou-se verificar a reorganização do ensino iniciada com a República no Brasil e no Estado do Espírito Santo. Como fontes de pesquisa foram utilizadas a legislação oficial do ensino do Brasil e do Estado do Espírito Santo, relatórios encaminhados ao governo pelos seus respectivos secretários de Instrução e/ou Inspetores Escolares, provas escritas realizadas pelos alunos de duas escolas normais capixabas na década de 1930, a Revista de Educação e manuais de ensino, que foram publicações acessíveis ao professorado do Espírito Santo. Apresenta alguns Programas de Ensino de Matemática, estabelecendo contrapontos entre o Ensino Normal e Ensino Primário, os métodos de ensino defendidos à época e distinções previstas para alunos conforme o sexo. Acerca do Ensino de Matemática, identifica que o rigor e os conceitos matemáticos eram priorizados e que não havia preocupação com a interdisciplinaridade entre os campos da Matemática. Verifica que o princípio norteador da formação dos professores primários capixabas, não era o que ensinar, mas como ensinar, de modo que, as discussões com relação a Métodos de Ensino se alongaram por muitos anos no Estado. Aponta o Estado do Espírito Santo como adepto das medidas educacionais que eram adotadas em São Paulo, considerado como referência em renovação educacional para muitos estados brasileiros. No entanto, o Estado capixaba apresenta dificuldades políticas e econômicas no cumprimento do objetivo de formar professores de acordo com a modernização que a Educação Pública almejava. Palavras-chave: Escola Normal Formação de Professores Ensino de Matemática Estado do Espírito Santo. ; This research analyses the training process of primary school teachers in Espirito Santo State, in the period 1892-1960. It aims at understanding how math instruction happened in training courses offered, in general, by Normal Schools (high schools which train students to be basic education teachers). It uses Cultural History, in Chartier's perspective, to clarify the history of education in the State mentioned above, considering the elements inherent to this movement, such as teaching methods, school evaluation and teachers' actions. The period of time researched is tied to an age of important modifications to Education in Espírito Santo: in 1892, the first Normal School was founded in the State; in 1908, emphasis is placed on Gomes Cardim Reform, by Professor Carlos Alberto Gomes Cardim (an educator from São Paulo State). In the transition from the 60's to the 70's, Normal Shchools were replaced by Teaching Courses, what made teacher training start a new time on its path. In order to comprehend how the ideas which ended up in that reform emerged, it was necessary to understand education since the time Brazil was an Empire (19th century), what made it possible to set a context. Then, a search was carried out to verify the reorganization of education started with the establishment of a republic in Brazil. The source of research includes national and regional (Espírito Santo) official legislation in the field of education, reports sent to the government by Instruction Secretaries and/or School Inspectors, written exams taken by students from two normal schools located in Espírito Santo in the 1930s, the periodical named "Revista de Educação" and teaching manuals, publications which were accessible to Espírito Santo's teachers. It presents some Math Instruction Programs, providing counterpoints between Normal Teaching and Primary Teaching, the teaching methods adopted at that time and distinctions drawn between students according to their gender. In relation to the teaching of Mathematics, it identifies that rigor and mathematical concepts were priorities and that there were no worries about interdisciplinarity among mathematical branches. It verifies that the guiding principle of teaching training for elementary teachers from Espírito Santo was not "what to teach", but "how to teach", what made discussions related to Teaching Methodology extend for many years in the State. It indicates that Espírito Santo followed educational measures which were previously adopted in São Paulo, considered as a reference in educational renewing for many Brazilian States. However, Espírito Santo faces economical and political difficulties in achieving the objective of training teachers according to the "modernization" aimed by Public Education. ; FAPES

Social and environmental conflicts related to land use are quite common nowadays, while the transforming space tends increasingly to be considered only in economic terms. At that stage, it is necessary to recognize the limitations of the standard instruments of urban planning. We often observe the dissociation between city building processes and desires of its inhabitants .The analysis of the city requires the consideration of the power of subjective views, made by users, and mechanisms to embrace the reaction to a certain way of doing city, to a programmed and external pattern. The discussion about the subjective city arises from a reflection of what remains, a priori, outside the institutional city building mechanisms . Emergent collective interests come into dialectic with the canonical city, and gets to question certain urban politics. The subjective city tends to be, because of that, a reply to the institutional city construction. Beginning with the interpretation of the subjective city concept that Felix Guattari deals with, its contextualization in the theory of contemporary architecture is performed.This research tackles an interpretative proposal of the subjective city in contemporary Valencia and its evolution in the dialectic of city ideas. The interpretation in processes and paradigmatic cases in the recent history of Valencia is applied.These are often produced in changing times, with political,economic, cultural or social conflicts . The ecosophical processes have special interest in defining this city in considered scenes. lt is a monitoring on the transformation, modification or institutionalization of this subjective city concept according to the circumstances and involved agents.These resistances and citizen movilizations become city generators.This citizens mobilizations in the Valencian transition to democracy represent the appearance of the first landscape and territory defense mechanisms. Both the defense of El Saler like the Turia riverbed are judged as paradigmatic cases. Two key concepts to the study of the contemporary city are introduced in this research: otherness and urban appropriation. Among the new urban activism, the defense case in the Cabañal neighborhood illuminates some facts about the subjective city configuration to add to previous ones . Finally,groups of self-managed spaces help to define urban micropolitics as those capable of fostering transformative power of inhabitant in the space around him. The subjective city is finally revealed as the challenge of facing the answers to guide the futures of the city towards the restoration of new subjectivities. ; Los conflictos sociales y medioambientales vinculados con el uso del suelo son comunes en la actualidad, al mismo tiempo que el espacio que se transforma tiende, cada vez más, a ser considerado sólo en términos económicos. En ese escenario se hace necesario reconocer las limitaciones de los instrumentos canónicos de la planificación urbana. Observamos muchas veces la disociación entre los procesos que construyen ciudad y los deseos de sus habitantes. El análisis de la ciudad requiere tener en cuenta la potencia de las visiones subjetivas de sus usuarios, y dotarse de los mecanismos para interiorizar la reacción a una determinada forma de hacer ciudad, a un modelo programado que les resulta ajeno. La discusión sobre la ciudad subjetiva se plantea desde una reflexión sobre lo que queda, a priori, fuera de los mecanismos institucionales de construcción de ciudad. Los intereses colectivos emergentes entran en dialéctica con la ciudad canónica y consiguen cuestionar determinadas políticas urbanas. La ciudad subjetiva tiende a ser, por ello, una contestación a la construcción institucionalizada de ciudad. Se parte de la interpretación del concepto de ciudad subjetiva que trata Félix Guattari y se elabora su contextualización en la teoría de la arquitectura contemporánea. Esta investigación aborda una propuesta interpretativa de la ciudad subjetiva en la Valencia contemporánea y su evolución en la dialéctica de las ideas de ciudad. Se aplica esta interpretación a procesos y casos paradigmáticos en la historia reciente de Valencia, que se producen en momentos de cambio o conflicto político, económico, cultural o social. Los procesos ecosóficos tienen especial interés a la hora de definir la ciudad subjetiva en los escenarios tratados. Se hace un seguimiento de la transformación, modificación o institucionalización de las ideas de ciudad enmarcables en ese concepto de ciudad según las circunstancias en las que se dan y los agentes implicados. Se constata cómo las resistencias y movilizaciones ciudadanas devienen generadores de ciudad y cómo dichas movilizaciones en la Transición valenciana representan la aparición de los primeros mecanismos de defensa del paisaje y el territorio .Tanto el caso de la defensa de El Saler como el del cauce del río Turia son valorados como paradigmáticos. En esta investigación se introducen dos conceptos clave para el estudio de la ciudad contemporánea: la alteridad y las apropiaciones urbanas. Dentro de los nuevos activismos urbanos, el caso de la defensa del barrio de El Cabañal alumbra algunas particularidades a añadir a las anteriores. Por último, se detectan conjuntos de espacios, resultado de mecanismos autogestionados, definiendo las micropolíticas urbanas como aquellas capaces de fomentar la capacidad transformadora del habitante sobre el espacio que le rodea. La ciudad subjetiva se desvela al fin como el reto de enfrentar las respuestas que orienten los porvenires de la urbe hacia la restauración de nuevas subjetividades. ; Postprint (published version)

According to the Italian historiography, from Alessandro Manzoni (1822) to the two major Italian historians who studied the Lombards at the middle of the twentieth century, Gian Piero Bognetti and Ottorino Bertolini, the Lombards remained always separated from the Roman population, of which the pope was the natural leader; the Lombards, too, became very late Catholics, in time, though, to experience the "drama" of having to fight against the pope, whose supreme spiritual authority the Lombards themselves at that point recognized. Consequently, the fall of the independent kingdom by the hands of the Franks would be logical and inevitable. This is an old and outdated position: the end of the independent Lombard kingdom wasn't inevitable. At the time of the Frankish conquest, the kingdom was politically solid inward, in economic growth and very dynamic outward. During the reigns of Liutprand, Ratchis and Aistulf (712-757), the kingdom exercised its hegemony over the whole Italy. In this period no strong elements of internal weakness emerged. Therefore, the defeat of 774 was substantially caused by external factors, ie the alliance between the Franks and the papacy. However, the attitude of the popes against the Lombard kingdom was not always hostile. Things changed only with Stephen II, because of two simultaneous events occurring in 751: the royal anointing of Pepin in the Frankish kingdom and the conquest of the Exarchate by Aistulf. Italian political balance broke and caused the decisive rapprochement between Rome and the Franks. But there were still many uncertainties, as proved, for example, by Charlemagne's marriage with a daughter of Desiderius. Carloman's death in 771 and, the following year, the election of the new pope Adrian I caused the repudiation of the Lombard bride by Charlemagne, his descent into Italy in 773, and the capture of Pavia the year after: Desiderius was exiled in France and Charlemagne became rex Langobardorum. The very rapid epilogue of the story of the kingdom, however, depended on contingent factors: to the last, the story could take a different direction. Rather different was the situation on the military front. In fact the Lombard army was not quite able to compete with the Frankish one, accustomed to the seasonal war and to the looting along the borders of the kingdom. This fact alone explains the rapid defeat of the Lombard at the Clusae against the Franks. The structures of the Lombard kingdom were not at all upset by the Frankish conquest. Already around 780, the Italian capitularia mention the Lombards counts alongside the Frankish ones; in the same period the Lombards fit into the vassals' files. All this indicates a transition without any major shocks from the old system, previous to the 774, to the next Frankish rule. ; Secondo la storiografia italiana, da Alessandro Manzoni (1822) ai due maggiori storici italiani che si sono occupati dei longobardi alla metà circa del XX secolo, Gian Piero Bognetti e Ottorino Bertolini, i longobardi rimasero sempre separati dalla popolazione romana, di cui il papa era il capo naturale; inoltre i longobardi diventarono cattolici molto tardi, in tempo però per vivere il "dramma" di dover combattere contro il papa, la cui altissima autorità spirituale i Longobardi stessi ormai riconoscevano. Di conseguenza la fine del regno indipendente per mano dei franchi sarebbe stata logica e inevitabile. Si tratta però di una posizione ormai superata. Non c'era niente di inevitabile nella fine del regno longobardo che, al momento della conquista franca, era una realtà salda al suo interno, in crescita economica e dinamica verso l'esterno. Sotto Liutprando e i suoi successori Ratchis e Astolfo, tra il 712 e il 757, il regno esercitò la sua egemonia su tutta l'Italia. In questo periodo non emerse alcun elemento di debolezza interna. La sconfitta del 774 dunque fu causata da fattori esterni, ossia dall'alleanza franco-papale. Tuttavia l'atteggiamento dei papi nei confronti del regno longobardo non fu sempre ostile. Fu solo con Stefano II che le cose cambiarono, a causa di due fatti contemporanei avvenuti nel 751: l'unzione regia di Pipino nel regno franco e la conquista dell'Esarcato da parte di Astolfo. Gli equilibri politici italiani saltarono e provocarono l'avvicinamento definitivo tra Roma e i franchi. Ci furono però ancora molte incertezze, provate ad esempio dal matrimonio di Carlo con una figlia di Desiderio. La morte di Carlomanno nel 771 e l'elezione l'anno dopo del papa Adriano I portarono al ripudio della sposa longobarda da parte di Carlo, alla sua discesa in Italia nel 773 e alla presa di Pavia l'anno dopo: Desiderio finì in Francia e Carlo divenne rex Langobardorum. Il rapidissimo epilogo della vicenda del regno dipese però da fattori contingenti: fino all'ultimo, la storia poteva prendere una direzione diversa. Diversa invece era la situazione sul fronte militare. Infatti l'esercito longobardo non era assolutamente in grado di fronteggiare quello franco, abituato alla guerra stagionale e al saccheggio lungo i confini del regno. Questo fatto, da solo, spiega la rapida sconfitta dell'esercito longobardo alle Chiuse davanti ai franchi. Dopo la conquista franca non cambiò molto. Le strutture del regno non furono affatto sconvolte dalla conquista franca. I capitolari nominano dei conti longobardi accanto a quelli franchi già intorno al 780; nello stesso periodo anche gli stessi longobardi si inseriscono nelle file dei vassalli. Tutto ciò indica una transizione senza grandi scosse tra il regime precedente al 774 e quello successivo.

The link between the mechanisms of compensation and culture has been intensely investigated in humanities, which study life (life-asserting factor) and in psychoanalysis (factor of self-perfection). However, this phenomenon is still being segmented in different scientific discourses and its reception in cultural studies is to give a possibility if not to acknowledge it, then at least to draw near the comprehensive vision, as modern vision of culture is understanding of its integrity, based upon the wide inter-discipline approach to its study.That's why integration of the notion of compensation into the cultural discourse promotes humanization of the cultural practices, which are the basis of individual's self-perfection and self-development. The compensation mechanisms are formed within the objects, which interact and possess back reaction for the system they appeared. The direction of their development may change under some conditions. Direct compensation may be turned into overcompensation or de-compensation. The meaning of the notion of compensation includes the signs (characteristic features) of a person and the signs (characteristic features) of the entire culture. The compensation processes occuring in culture on the one hand allow to reach the state of equilibrium of the socium as a dynamic system and on the other hand they allow to reach the level of individual's personal integrity, it being possible under certain conditions. Compensation in a wider sense and compensation as substitute of personal integrity are dialectically interrelated processes.The concept of "compensation" is widely used in biology, medicine, psychology, remedial pedagogy, sociology, political sciences, literature and etc. However, in reproduction mechanism of the functioning of society and culture in it, the scientific concept of compensation has considerable heuristic potential, which has not been fully used yet. The com parative analysis of compensation concepts in psychology, psychoanalysis, sciences of culture shows that compensation is a "core" of the whole person concept, and the idea of compensation is given the dominant role.The feeling or awareness of little value arises due to the individual defect enables him to evaluate his life position feature that is the main driving force of mental development. The way to perfection is led through overcoming obstacles; the complications function is an incentive to improve it. Scientists see a kind of compensation reserve in the functioning of the human senses, burdened with disabilities. This understanding of the psycho-cultural category is quite common in the research literature. However, it has not established full and comprehensive compensation theory, but in a number of separate spheres of organic life, these phenomena are studied so much that we can rightfully speak about the compensation as an established fact in human life. Analysis of conceptual-categorical apparatus of the concept shows that the integration of the concept of compensation cultural discourse promotes the humanization of social and cultural practices that are the basis of self-improvement and self-development of the individual.Psychoanalytic interpretation of the functions of culture includes two aspects. The first aspect covers all knowledge and skills of people to master the forces of nature and get any material goods to satisfy vital needs. The second one consists of the required settings of the order of interpersonal relationships, primarily related to the allocation of functions domination. The founder of psychoanalysis Z.Freyd opens a phenomenon of interdependence desires and coercion that leads to action repressive mechanisms of culture. In his opinion, the basis of society is the satisfaction of the primary needs of the individual, on these grounds there is objective values of interpersonal relationships where desires become symbolic elements of materialized and exchange.Z. Freud stresses, every individual is a priori hostile to culture, since the latter makes the offering of human victims in the form of forced labor and denial of the primitive instincts of incest, cannibalism and a desire to murder. The objection of the primitive impulses shows that the development of the human psyche goes toward transition into external coercion and its integration into the structure of "superego." The implementation of the process turns people into followers of the media culture.The meaning of "compensation" includes the features of the person and the characteristics of the culture. Compensation in the cultural processes allows us, on the one hand, to achieve equilibrium of society as a dynamic system, on the other hand to reach specific conditions on the possible level of personal integrity of the individual. ; К содержанию понятия "компенсация" принадлежат как признаки (характерные черты) человека, так и признаки культуры как целого. Компенсационные процессы в культуре позволяют, с одной стороны, достичь состояния равновесия социума как динамической системы, а с другой – достичь возможного уровня личностной целостности индивида в конкретных условиях. Компенсация в более широком смысле и компенсация как заме щение личностной целостности является диалектически связанным процессом. ; До змісту поняття "компенсація" належать як ознаки (характерні риси) людини, так і ознаки культури як цілого. Компенсаційні процеси в культурі дають змогу, з одного боку, досягти стану рівноваги соціуму як динамічної системи, а з іншого – досягти можливого за конкретних умов рівня особистісної цілісності індивіда. Компенсація у більш широкому сенсі та компенсація як заміщення особистісної цілісності є діалектично пов'язаними процесами.

Social and environmental conflicts related to land use are quite common nowadays, while the transforming space tends increasingly to be considered only in economic terms. At that stage, it is necessary to recognize the limitations of the standard instruments of urban planning. We often observe the dissociation between city building processes and desires of its inhabitants .The analysis of the city requires the consideration of the power of subjective views, made by users, and mechanisms to embrace the reaction to a certain way of doing city, to a programmed and external pattern. The discussion about the subjective city arises from a reflection of what remains, a priori, outside the institutional city building mechanisms . Emergent collective interests come into dialectic with the canonical city, and gets to question certain urban politics. The subjective city tends to be, because of that, a reply to the institutional city construction. Beginning with the interpretation of the subjective city concept that Felix Guattari deals with, its contextualization in the theory of contemporary architecture is performed.This research tackles an interpretative proposal of the subjective city in contemporary Valencia and its evolution in the dialectic of city ideas. The interpretation in processes and paradigmatic cases in the recent history of Valencia is applied.These are often produced in changing times, with political,economic, cultural or social conflicts . The ecosophical processes have special interest in defining this city in considered scenes. lt is a monitoring on the transformation, modification or institutionalization of this subjective city concept according to the circumstances and involved agents.These resistances and citizen movilizations become city generators.This citizens mobilizations in the Valencian transition to democracy represent the appearance of the first landscape and territory defense mechanisms. Both the defense of El Saler like the Turia riverbed are judged as paradigmatic cases. Two key concepts to the study of the contemporary city are introduced in this research: otherness and urban appropriation. Among the new urban activism, the defense case in the Cabañal neighborhood illuminates some facts about the subjective city configuration to add to previous ones . Finally,groups of self-managed spaces help to define urban micropolitics as those capable of fostering transformative power of inhabitant in the space around him. The subjective city is finally revealed as the challenge of facing the answers to guide the futures of the city towards the restoration of new subjectivities. ; Los conflictos sociales y medioambientales vinculados con el uso del suelo son comunes en la actualidad, al mismo tiempo que el espacio que se transforma tiende, cada vez más, a ser considerado sólo en términos económicos. En ese escenario se hace necesario reconocer las limitaciones de los instrumentos canónicos de la planificación urbana. Observamos muchas veces la disociación entre los procesos que construyen ciudad y los deseos de sus habitantes. El análisis de la ciudad requiere tener en cuenta la potencia de las visiones subjetivas de sus usuarios, y dotarse de los mecanismos para interiorizar la reacción a una determinada forma de hacer ciudad, a un modelo programado que les resulta ajeno. La discusión sobre la ciudad subjetiva se plantea desde una reflexión sobre lo que queda, a priori, fuera de los mecanismos institucionales de construcción de ciudad. Los intereses colectivos emergentes entran en dialéctica con la ciudad canónica y consiguen cuestionar determinadas políticas urbanas. La ciudad subjetiva tiende a ser, por ello, una contestación a la construcción institucionalizada de ciudad. Se parte de la interpretación del concepto de ciudad subjetiva que trata Félix Guattari y se elabora su contextualización en la teoría de la arquitectura contemporánea. Esta investigación aborda una propuesta interpretativa de la ciudad subjetiva en la Valencia contemporánea y su evolución en la dialéctica de las ideas de ciudad. Se aplica esta interpretación a procesos y casos paradigmáticos en la historia reciente de Valencia, que se producen en momentos de cambio o conflicto político, económico, cultural o social. Los procesos ecosóficos tienen especial interés a la hora de definir la ciudad subjetiva en los escenarios tratados. Se hace un seguimiento de la transformación, modificación o institucionalización de las ideas de ciudad enmarcables en ese concepto de ciudad según las circunstancias en las que se dan y los agentes implicados. Se constata cómo las resistencias y movilizaciones ciudadanas devienen generadores de ciudad y cómo dichas movilizaciones en la Transición valenciana representan la aparición de los primeros mecanismos de defensa del paisaje y el territorio .Tanto el caso de la defensa de El Saler como el del cauce del río Turia son valorados como paradigmáticos. En esta investigación se introducen dos conceptos clave para el estudio de la ciudad contemporánea: la alteridad y las apropiaciones urbanas. Dentro de los nuevos activismos urbanos, el caso de la defensa del barrio de El Cabañal alumbra algunas particularidades a añadir a las anteriores. Por último, se detectan conjuntos de espacios, resultado de mecanismos autogestionados, definiendo las micropolíticas urbanas como aquellas capaces de fomentar la capacidad transformadora del habitante sobre el espacio que le rodea. La ciudad subjetiva se desvela al fin como el reto de enfrentar las respuestas que orienten los porvenires de la urbe hacia la restauración de nuevas subjetividades. ; Postprint (published version)

Для удовлетворения растущей потребности в сельскохозяйственной продукции может потребоваться дополнительное увеличение площади пахотных земель. Одной из важных задач при этом является оценка компромиссов между социальными и экологическими воздействиями, с одной стороны, и преимуществ перевода дополнительных земельных участков в категорию пахотных земель с другой. Увеличение площади пахотных земель за счет заброшенных может потребовать относительно невысоких затрат, особенно по сравнению с распашкой девственных территорий в тропических регионах. Цели данного исследования заключались в оценке: 1) движущих факторов, ограничений и компромиссов, связанных с возвращением в оборот заброшенных пахотных земель; 2) площади потенциально доступных пахотных земель в России (европейской части и Западной Сибири), Украине и Казахстане территориях, на которых находилась большая часть заброшенных пахотных земель постсоветского пространства. Используя пространственные панельные регрессии, сначала были оценены основные социально-экономические факторы забрасывания пахотных земель и обратного их возвращения в оборот. Затем были использованы составленные карты изменения сельскохозяйственного землепользования с тем, чтобы: 1) территориально оценить ограничения возможного возвращения в оборот заброшенных земель в плане социально-экономического аспекта, удаленности рынков сбыта сельскохозяйственной продукции и качества почв, и 2) исследовать компромиссы в плане экологии в отношении запасов углерода и среды обитания для биоразнообразия на заброшенных пахотных землях. В 2000-е гг. отмечалась взаимосвязь между долей пахотных земель в определенном регионе и долей возвращенных в сельскохозяйственный оборот земель, а также уровнем интенсификации сельского хозяйства. Из 47,3 млн га (Мга) пахотных земель, заброшенных к 2009 г., было выявлено только в зависимости от сценария 8,5 (7,1-17,4) Мга потенциально доступных пахотных земель с высококачественными почвами (черноземами), с незначительными экологическими, низкими или умеренными социально-экономическими ограничениями и низкими ограничениями, связанными с удаленностью рынков сбыта сельскохозяйственной продукции. Распашка таких земель могла бы позволить увеличить производство пшеницы на ~ 14,3 (9,6-19,5) млн т (Mт). Также было выявлено 8,5 (4,2-12,4) Мга, для которых были характерны высокие компромиссы между распашкой и достигаемой урожайностью, связанные с выбросами углерода или уроном биологическому разнообразию, при этом ~ 10% таких земель могут быть привлекательны для увеличения площади пахотных земель, и, следовательно, будут необходимы меры для ограничения ввода таких земель в оборот. Агроэкологические, социально-экономические ограничения, а также ограничения, связанные с удаленностью рынков сбыта сельскохозяйственной продукции, показывают, что остальные 30,3 (25,7-30,6) Мга заброшенных пахотных земель вряд ли обеспечат существенный вклад в возможное расширение производства сельскохозяйственных культур при существующих ценах на пшеницу, однако могут быть использованы для предоставления различных экосистемных услуг, а некоторые из них для экстенсивного животноводства. Политическая и институциональная поддержка может способствовать возвращению в оборот сельскохозяйственных земель посредством содействия инвестициям в сельское хозяйство и улучшения демографической ситуации в сельской местности. Возвращение в оборот заброшенных пахотных земель в исследуемых странах может обеспечить заметный вклад в мировое производство зерна с относительно низким экологическим компромиссом по сравнению с распашкой в тропических регионах. Однако этот подход не является панацеей для решения глобальных проблем продовольственной безопасности или снижения нагрузки землепользования в тропических экосистемах. ; Further cropland expansion might be unavoidable to satisfy the growing demand for landbased products and ecosystem services. A crucial issue is thus to assess the trade-offs between social and ecological impacts and the benefits of converting additional land to cropland. In the former Soviet Union countries, where the transition from state-command to market-driven economies resulted in widespread agricultural land abandonment, cropland expansion may incur relatively low costs, especially compared with tropical regions. Our objectives were to quantify the drivers, constraints and trade-offs associated with recultivating abandoned cropland to assess the potentially available cropland in European Russia, western Siberia, Ukraine and Kazakhstan the region where the vast majority of postSoviet cropland abandonment took place. Using spatial panel regressions, we characterized the socio-economic determinants of cropland abandonment and recultivation. We then used recent maps of changes in cropland to 1) spatially characterize the socio-economic, accessibility and soil constraints associated with the recultivation of abandoned croplands and 2) investigate the environmental trade-offs regarding carbon stocks and habitat for biodiversity. Less cropland abandonment and more recultivation after 2000 occurred in areas with an increasing rural population and a younger labor force, but also improved yields. Synergies were observed between cropland recultivation and intensification over the 2000s. From 47.3 million hectares (Mha) of cropland abandoned in 2009, we identified only 8.5 (7.1-17.4) Mha of potentially available cropland with low environmental tradeoffs and low to moderate socio-economic or accessibility constraints that were located on high-quality soils (Chernozems). These areas represented an annual wheat production potential of 14.3 (9.6-19.5) million tons (Mt). Conversely, 8.5 (4.2-12.4) Mha had high carbon or biodiversity trade-offs, of which 10% might be attractive for cropland expansion and thus would require protection from recultivation. Agroenvironmental, accessibility, and socio-economic constraints suggested that the remaining 30.6 (25.7-30.6) Mha of abandoned croplands were unlikely to provide important contributions to future crop production at current wheat prices but could provide various ecosystem services, and some could support extensive livestock production. Political and institutional support could foster recultivation by supporting investments in agriculture and rural demographic revitalization. Reclaiming potentially available cropland in the study region could provide a notable contribution to global grain production, with relatively low environmental trade-offs compared with tropical frontiers, but is not a panacea to address global issues of food security or reduce land-use pressure on tropical ecosystems.

[spa]La tesis doctoral se presenta bajo el modo de un compendio de artículos publicados en revistas académicas. La introducción general presenta el tránsito teórico del concepto de inconsciente a la noción de sujeto. Se señala que el campo de investigación es el de la epistemología, y el tema principal el diálogo entre el psicoanálisis y otras disciplinas como las neurociencias, la filosofía y la psicología. El primer apartado permite puntuar el sujeto de la psicología desde las dificultades epistemológicas que este sujeto presenta. Sin embargo, se sostiene la necesidad de que esta noción sea tenida en cuenta en el vasto programa de una disciplina plural que aborda el funcionamiento de la mente y el comportamiento. El segundo apartado es una justificación epistémica del sujeto del significante que pone de relieve el psicoanálisis, desde tres vertientes: la empírica, la lógica, y la del lugar que ocupa dicho sujeto en relación al discurso de la ciencia. La disciplina que entra en juego implícitamente es la lingüística, puesto que dicho sujeto es sujeto del lenguaje. Es un sujeto de la enunciación distinto, como se argumenta posteriormente, del sujeto de la neurociencia cognitiva. El tercer apartado sitúa el psicoanálisis como disciplina y como praxis, en el reverso de la ciencia, lo cual le exige irremediablemente un rigor equivalente en sus postulados y desarrollos. Hay por tanto epistemología válida del psicoanálisis, así como una metodología concreta y empírica que sin embargo no permite en absoluto la dimensión del protocolo, que anularía la novedad que toda interpretación analítica debe aportar. Así, en este apartado se examina la relación del psicoanálisis a las categorías cruciales de la verdad, la causa, y la prueba. El cuarto apartado entra ya en el diálogo del psicoanálisis con cierta investigación neurocientífica, a partir de las categorías mencionadas anteriormente. Las neurociencias cognitivas, en efecto, también requieren de una reflexión epistemológica constante que permita interpretar sus resultados no como dogmas, sino como investigaciones que requieren de presupuestos que puedan ponerse en cuestión. Se plantea además que el psicoanálisis no puede ser juzgado según el criterio lógico particular-universal propio del método científico, puesto que ahí la significación se revela como agujero y la enunciación remite a la verdad en una lógica que es la de lo singular (aquello que no permite la serie) articulado a la falla en el universal. El quinto apartado marca un cambio de perspectiva, desde un análisis más conceptual y epistemológico hacia un análisis más político e ideológico de la cultura contemporánea. Se examinan campos afines a la neurociencia que tienen incidencia en la subjetividad, como el neuropsicoanálisis, la neuromoralidad y la neuroeconomía, mostrando que su validez epistemológica es cuestionable. Las conclusiones, finalmente, sostienen que el lugar del sujeto es una necesidad crucial que supone un real irreductible a la exigencia metodológica, al supuesto ético, o a la necesidad teórica, pero que se sostiene de todos estos ejes. Se retoman las conclusiones principales de cada uno de los apartados para justificar su coherencia de razonamiento, a pesar de la diversidad de temas y disciplinas abordados. ; [eng] This PhD thesis is presented as a compendium of published articles. The general introduction postulates the theoretical transition from the concept of unconscious to the notion of subject. The research field of the thesis is mainly epistemology, and the most relevant issue is the dialogue between psychoanalysis and other disciplines as neurosciences, philosophy and psychology. The first section argues that the psychological subject presents epistemological difficulties, but is still useful to produce knowledge about mind and behavior. This notion needs to be separated from the one of psychoanalytical subject. The second section is an epistemic justification of the subject of the signifier postulated by psychoanalysis, from 3 perspectives: empirical, logical, and in relation to the scientific discourse. This subject is the subject of language, the subject of enunciation. It is absolutely distinct from the subject of cognitive neuroscience. The third section describes psychoanalysis, being at the same time discipline and praxis. It's the reverse of science, and therefore needs an equivalent rigor in its postulates and developments. This implies that both psychoanalytical epistemology and methodology are needed. However, since there is no normativity in psychoanalytical interpretation, this leads to a reflection of the categories of truth, cause, and proof in psychoanalysis. The fourth section suggests the conditions of possibility of a dialogue between psychoanalysis and neurosciences, advising that this dialogue requires a foundation on epistemological reflection. It also postulates that psychoanalysis cannot be judged from the common logical criteria of particular/universal used in scientific methodology. This is because the signification and enunciation of the subject point to another kind of logic: singular/impossibility of the universal. The fifth section is built on a change of perspective: from the conceptual analysis to a political and ideological one. Fields that derivate from neuroscience, having incidence in subjectivity, are discussed: neuropsychanalysis, neuromorality and neuroeconomy are shown as examples of questionable contemporary hybrids that lack epistemological validity. The conclusions of the thesis argue that the place of the subject is a crucial need, irreducible to methodological requirements, ethical presuppositions, or theoretical need. but it is still grounded on those bases.

Índice La planificación metropolitana en la 'era de la gobernanza'. La planificación en la 'era de la gobernanza'. ¿El final del intermedio de la 'era de la gobernanza'? Bibliografía selectiva.ResumenSe trate del poder local o de las políticas públicas, el periodo que empieza a principios de los años 1980 está marcado por una evolución importante entre 'era del gobierno' y 'era de la gobernanza'. Esta última 'era' se caracteriza por una recomposición del papel del Estado, por la pérdida de centralidad de las autoridades públicas en los sistemas de actores que se abren a la sociedad civil y por la naturaleza cada vez más intersectorial de los problemas a los que se enfrentan las metrópolis. La planificación espacial sigue esta evolución de la acción pública aplicándose a territorios más amplios, tratando de amoldarse a los contornos de las zonas metropolitanas funcionales, integrando más actores y volviéndose más intersectorial mediante innovaciones procedurales que se dan en la mayoría de los países.Pero la 'era de la gobernanza' no es necesariamente el porvenir de las metrópolis europeas. En primer lugar, existe un problema de efectividad y eficacia de las políticas públicas que los dispositivos mismos de la gobernanza no resuelven. En segundo lugar, existe un problema de implicación y de participación de los actores económicos y sociales, y de la población misma, en las políticas públicas. En tercer lugar, al desdibujar las fronteras entre lo político y lo económico, entre lo público y lo privado, la 'era de la gobernanza' suscita numerosas críticas. Por último, al negar el conflicto, se revela incapaz de producir las decisiones necesarias de cara a las demandas de las poblaciones urbanas.Todos estos elementos hacen plausible la hipótesis según la cual la 'era de la gobernanza' sólo es un intermedio que está llegando a su fin y que puede dar lugar a dos evoluciones. La primera, que no se aborda en el artículo, ve cómo las metrópolis europeas evolucionan hacia una ingobernabilidad estructural debido al crecimiento de la conflictividad de la sociedad urbana causada por la fragmentación que se desarrolla en ella (fragmentación en el seno de los sistemas políticos, económicos y sociales; fragmentación también en las relaciones entre estos sistemas). La segunda evolución posible, que se aborda en el artículo, pone el énfasis en la emergencia de nuevos actores hegemónicos cuya configuración puede variar según los países y las metrópolis consideradas. En este último caso, la planificación aparece como el lugar donde se lleva a cabo la constitución de estos nuevos actores hegemónicos y, a la vez, como lo que está en juego con ella.Para tratar estas cuestiones, el artículo utiliza principalmente estudios empíricos elaborados sobre ciudades francesas, italianas, británicas, españolas y holandesas, en el marco de las investigaciones dirigidas por el autor.AbstractBoth for local power and public policies, the period that started in the early eighties saw a major shift from the 'government era' to the 'governance era'.The latter's characteristics are a recomposition of the role of the State, a loss of centrality for the public authorities in stakeholder systems that open themselves to civil society and the growing intersectorality of the problems metropolises are confronted to. Spatial planning follows this evolution of public action and tries to shape itself according to the functional metropolitan areas outlines, to integrate more and more stakeholders and to become more intersectoral through procedure innovations which happen in most countries.However, the 'governance era' is not necessarily bound to be the future for European metropolises. In the first place, there is an efficiency problem concerning public policies that is not being solved through governance's own devices.Then, there is also a problem as far as economic and social stakeholders, as well as the population itself, are concerned, when it comes to implicating themselves in and participating to public policies.Thirdly, since it blurs the borders between politics and economics, between public and private matters, 'governance era' has been subject of much criticism. Last but not least, since it denies the existing conflict, it appears unable to produce the necessary measures that would address the demands of urban dwellers.All these elements give weight to the hypothesis according which the 'governance era' is only a transition period that is reaching its end and that might evolve in two directions.The first possible evolution, which is not addressed in this article, would see European metropolises evolve towards a structural ungovernability due to growing conflictivity in urban society as a result of the fragmentation that happens within it (a fragmentation within political, economic and social systems, and also a fragmentation in the relationships between these systems).The second possible evolution, which is addressed in this article, would emphasize the emergency of new hegemonic stakeholders whose configuration may vary according to countries and metropolises. In the latter case, planification would appear as the place where these new hegemonic stakeholders would constitute themselves as well as what is at stake.To address these questions, the article draws upon empirical studies dealing with French, Italian, British, Spanish and Dutch towns within the framework of the author's research.

In alternating first-person accounts, two primary and two secondary characters 'speak' the fictional narrative of If I Could Tell. As the title suggests, doubt is implicit in the narrative; there is no impediment, necessarily, to the story being told - 'I could tell it, if . .' - but, rather, doubt about telling (from the characters' perspective) where the truth lies. An accumulation of first-person revelations forms, in four parts, an altogether more contestable version of the lives, thoughts and impulses of two 'siblings' Jessica (Jess) Morell and William (Willow) Morell/Osborne, a 'hitchhiker', Luna Fortune, and a nurse, Clare. In authoring themselves, each revealing a telling truth but misperceiving what is wholly true, they simultaneously create the narrative that, beyond their power, draws them together, then alienates them. As Luna says - essentially of the difficulty of deciding whether or not Willow is 'a nice guy' - 'My point being, you can't always tell how a story turns out for the person who's listening, because you can't tell what they're hearing, what the story means, because of stuff that's happened to them or stuff they know.' And the crisis of the novel lies at this nexus, the convergence of 'stuff that's happened' and 'stuff (the characters think) they know'. Plot and structure function together in exploring the limits and consequences of this intractability. Willow and Jess are the son and daughter of Frances and Alfred Morell, an airman reported missing in action in a distant conflict when they are infants, but a presence in their lives and their imaginations. After an obscure political upheaval compels them to move from the river settlement of their early years to the city to live with Alfred's unmarried brother, Geoffrey, the promise of a wholesome upbringing fades with a despairing Frances succumbing to drink. Through an accident of circumstance, her decline is associated with a serious injury Jess suffers in falling from a tree and, in the course of her recovery, the budding of an unnaturally intimate relationship with Willow. This intimacy comes to an incestuous climax on the night of their mother's burial, all but destroying their bond. They are estranged for some two decades. By the time they meet again as adults at Geoffrey's funeral, all the most important details of their relationship and their life story are found to be false or flawed - though neither of them knows the full extent. Only Jess knows that Willow is not in fact her brother, his own father having died at the time of her conception, and Willow is alone in knowing that Alfred Morell's fate is critically at odds with the lore they grew up with. As they begin their long journey home in Willow's car, each of them is privately transfixed by the risks and challenges of sorting truth from falsehood, and sealing the rapprochement they long for. Neither foresees the deranging impact of their glancing contact with Luna. The narrative is deliberately placed in an unnamed setting in the hope of freeing it from the burdens of a given history and the reflex associations that inevitably arise from assumptions of prior knowledge. The work is not entirely free, however, from a late-20th century backdrop of ideological contest and transition in which the tropes of personal and public accountability are discernible in the tension between the characters' private and social worlds. Their apparent willingness to discount the wider setting in favour of a more intimate order of interests seems often delusional, and is arguably akin to the author's evasive intentions. The three most prominent characters all have torments to reckon with, each of them in its way originating in the churn of History, though seeming capable of being weighed on a subjective scale. Yet it is probably the social context that is, if murkily, the agency of dissonance in the characters' relations. It falls to Willow to discover - or to show, without necessarily being conscious of the demonstration - that personal and public pasts converge ineluctably, with unpredictable consequences. If I Could Tell is the distillation of a long process of reading and thinking, and four years of writing and extensive revision. The fifth and final draft reveals significant departures from the structure and character development of the first. Influences vary widely, but in thinking through the themes of engaging or evading the historical process, of placing the individual in the muddle if not always the middle, certain texts stand out for their imaginative reach and technical achievements, among them W G Sebald's Austerlitz, Gunter Grass's The Tin Drum, J M Coetzee's Life and Times of Michael K, Tolstoy's novella-length short story Haji Murat, Graham Greene's The Quiet American, Alain Robbe-Grillers The Erasers, Philip Roth's American Pastoral and, more recently, Martin Amis's House of Meetings. Throughout, I found myself returning to the notion expressed by the writer in Andre Gide's The Counterfeiters, who says of his book, emerging 'quite different from what I had been trying to invent', that 'I wish it now to run freely, according to its bent, sometimes swift, sometimes slow; I choose not to foresee its windings'. Its appeal as a writerly credo comes, eventually, with the necessarily humble acknowledgement that doubt stimulated by perceptive supervision is an indispensable accompaniment.

Проведенный в ноябре-декабре 2006 г. представительный опрос экономически активного населения продолжает серию обследований, направленных на получение надежных данных о переходе российского общества к новой системе социальной стратификации, характеризующей особый тип социального устройства современной России, который рассматривается нами как прямое продолжение существовавшей в СССР этакрати-ческой системы. Предшествующие обследования проводились в 1994 и 2002 гг. по аналогичной схеме выборки и с использованием аналогичных показателей, спектр которых расширялся и уточнялся с учетом меняющейся социальной ситуации и в связи с анализом результатов предыдущих опросов. Таким образом, мы располагаем надежной и довольно емкой информационной базой, позволяющей на основе сравнительного анализа изучить динамику социальной структуры российского общества в постсоциалистический период и исследовать стоящие за этим социальные процессы. За последние 15 лет в России произошли серьезные качественные изменения в характере социального воспроизводства. Они затронули состав и структуру различных социальных групп как на верхних ступенях социальной иерархии, так и на средних и низших. Кроме того, изменилась сама система статусных индикаторов, по которым определяется положение индивида или группы в социальной иерархии. В данной работе мы акцентируем внимание на некоторых значимых данных, раскрывающих социально-профессиональную структуру населения постсоветской России и изменения в иерархии социальных групп за 1944-2006 гг. ; The representative survey of Russian economically active population conducted through November-December 2006 goes in line with our previous surveys. The aim of those was to provide reliable data on transition of Russian society to a new system of social stratification, which specifies a particular type of social structure in contemporary Russia. We regard the latter as a direct extension of the etacratic system, which existed in USSR. The previous surveys took place in 1994 and 2002 based on similar sample schemes and using similar indicators, the range of which varied according to current changes in social situation and former experience. Thus we now own a reliable and rather significant database which allows us to conduct a comparative study of the dynamics of social structure in post-socialist Russia and the underlying social processes. During the last 15 years the nature of social reproduction in Russia has undergone serious changes. Those have also affected the structure and population of different social groups. Besides, the system of status indicators, which determine an individual's or a group's position in the social hierarchy, has itself undergone transformation. In this paper we review some significant data, which reveal some of the particularities of social reality in the post-Soviet Russia and the hierarchy of social groups through 1994-2006. In this research we are attempting to discover the real social groups and study their real economic, political and other resources (human, social and cultural capitals). We also draw our attention to the reproduction of these strata and individual social statuses and study the corresponding influence of various institutional factors. Until now, the predominant approach in modern literature relies on the analysis of the data concerning nominal social strata and individual inter-generational (father-son, mother-daughter) and intra-generational (career) social migrations of individuals through nominal social positions. We aim at studying latent factors of reproduction of real social strata in transforming society, i. e. in the situation when "the list" and the characteristics of these social strata and groups are changing. In other terms, we switched from the analysis of statistic (nominal) groups, singled out by formal characteristics, to the analysis of real social reproduction of real social groups and strata. The unit of measure in this context is an individual. We look at social institutions as the environment of existence, production and reproduction of individuals, forming social groups. This environment "charges" individuals with resources, which predetermine their social position and their position in social nejt-works. In this connection we analyze the resources, created by the institutions of family and education. The first institutional factor is the family (parental families of respondents and their own families) by the indicators of social status in the context of our conceptual approach by affiliation with real social groups. Status is measured by the following integral indicators authority, property, cultural capital. As the second institutional factor of social and demographic reproduction we use the institution of education, which has the Summaries189 following empirical indicators: standard of education of parents (both father and mother) by the moment of the beginning of respondent's labor activity, standard of respondent's education at various stages of his life (by the beginning of labor activity, at the age of 30, at the moment of the survey), and standard of education of his own family. The third factor is regional peculiar combination of social institutions, which becomes apparent in the type of settlement, where a respondent lives. In the current article we constrain ourselves to a preliminary discussion of some of the results concerning the state and dynamics of social stratification in Russia on the basis of sociooccupational groups, which were constructed through occupational aggregations of RG-100 classificator, developed in earlier research of one of the authors of this project. In order to construct our hierarchy of sociooccupational strata we analyzed the differences, which arise in the resources and potentials of their members.

En su vuelta del exilio el Grupo Ukamau (GU) produce Las banderas del amanecer (1983), un film singular con dos rasgos hasta ese momento inéditos y que no volverán a repetirse en la trayectoria del grupo: ser realizado en codirección –entre Jorge Sanjinés y Beatriz Palacios–, y responder enteramente a los caracteres del documental. De forma cronológica y a través de distintas formas de testimonio, entrevistas, registros in situ y material de archivo, la película recupera variadas experiencias de resistencia y oposición durante las dictaduras bolivianas y las democracias frágiles que marcaron la transición. De esa forma configura una cartografía diagnóstica que describe y explica la Bolivia golpeada pero en ebullición de fines de los setenta y principios de los ochenta, protagonizada por un sujeto colectivo heterogéneo. El film, que se presentó en el V Festival Internacional del Nuevo Cine Latinoamericano donde ganó el Gran Premio Coral en la Sección Documental, continúa con la inconfundible perspectiva de intervención política que cultivara el colectivo desde los 60, incorporando interrogantes ligados a los derechos humanos y la democracia, elementos que se desarrollarán en el período inmediatamente posterior. Tras la ubicación del film en la obra del grupo y la descripción de sus condiciones de posibilidad, este trabajo analiza las formas de representación del dolor y el duelo, y las modalidades de denuncia impugnadora del ejercicio de la fuerza dictatorial. Nos proponemos reconstruir y caracterizar el trabajo de memoria que el documental plantea: una memoria tejida –como la wiphala– de voces heterogéneas que hacen visible y audible el recuerdo de masacres e injusticias, pero también la capacidad de organización, lucha, compromiso y solidaridad de los sectores populares. ; On his return from exile, the Ukamau Group (GU) produces The Flags of the Dawn (1983), a unique film with two previously uncharted features that will never be repeated in the group's history: to be performed in a co-direction –between Jorge Sanjinés and Beatriz Palacios–, and to respond entirely to the characters of the documentary. Chronologically, through different forms of testimony, interviews, on-site records and archival material, the film recovers varied experiences of resistance and opposition during the Bolivian dictatorships and the fragile democracies that marked the transition. In this way, it presents a diagnostic cartography that describes and explains the battered but boiling Bolivia of the late 1970s and early 1980s, which was carried out by a heterogeneous collective subject. The film, which was presented at the V International Festival of New Latin American Cinema, where it won the Coral Grand Prize in the Documentary Section, continues with the distinct perspective of political intervention that the collective has cultivated since the 1960s, incorporating issues related to the human rights and democracy, elements that will be developed in the immediately following period. After the location of the film in the work of the group and the description of its conditions of possibility, this work analyzes the forms of representation of pain and mourning, and the modalities of denouncing the exercise of the dictatorial force. We propose to reconstruct and characterize the work of memory that the documentary raises: a woven memory –like the wiphala– of heterogeneous voices that make visible and audible the memory of massacres and injustices, but also the capacity for organization, struggle, commitment and solidarity of the popular sectors. ; En la seua tornada de l'exili el Grupo Ukamau (GU) produeix Las banderes del alba (1983), un film singular amb dos trets inèdits fins a aquell moment i que no tornaran a repetir-se en la trajectòria del grup: ser realitzat en codirecció –entre Jorge Sanjinés i Beatriz Palacios– i respondre enterament als caràcters del documental. De manera cronològica i a través de diferents formes de testimonis, entrevistes, registraments in situ i material d'arxiu, la pel·lícula recupera experiències variades de resistència i oposició durant les dictadures bolivianes i les democràcies fràgils que van marcar la transició. D'aquesta manera configura una cartografia diagnòstica que descriu i explica la Bolívia colpejada però en ebullició del final dels setanta i principi dels huitanta, protagonitzada per un subjecte col·lectiu heterogeni. El film, que es va presentar en el V Festival Internacional del Nuevo Cine Latinoamericano en el qual va guanyar el gran Premio Coral en la secció documental, continua amb la inconfusible perspectiva d'intervenció política que va conrear el col·lectiu des dels seixanta, incorporant interrogants lligats als drets humans i a la democràcia, elements que es desenvoluparan en el període immediatament posterior. Després de la ubicació del film en l'obra del grup i la descripció de les seues condicions de possibilitat, aquest treball analitza les formes de representació del dolor i el dol, i les modalitats de denúncia impugnadora de l'exercici de la força dictatorial. Ens proposem reconstruir i caracteritzar el treball de memòria que el documental planteja: una memòria teixida –com la wiphala– de veus heterogènies que fan visible i audible el record de massacres i injustícies, però també la capacitat d'organització, lluita, compromís i solidaritat dels sectors populars. ; Fil: Aimaretti, Maria Gabriela. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras; Argentina

W artykule przyglądam się temu, jaką edukację polityczną warto rozwijać we współczesnej polskiej szkole i wszędzie tam, gdzie buduje się w ludziach zdolność do wspólnej i niewyalienowanej pracy. Kierunek rozważań wyznaczyła konieczność ustosunkowania się myśli pedagogicznej – i równoległego dostosowania praktyk wychowawczych – do zmian w sposobie koordynacji społeczeństwa, które dokonują się w atmosferze groźby wybuchu wojny. Rozważania te buduję na dotychczasowych badaniach własnych z obszaru uczenia się w ruchach społecznych, analizując trzy porządki zapewniające koordynację społeczeństw (neoliberalizm, nacjonalizm, militaryzm) w kontekście wykluczanych przez nie wartości: dobra wspólnego, samorządu i pokoju. Rezultatem pracy jest matryca przyporządkowująca te kontrwartości różnym typom współpracy (koordynacji, kooperacji i kolaboracji). Matryca pozwala identyfikować specyfikę konkretnych przykładów mobilizacji społecznej, jak i rozpoznawać luki w kształceniu kolektywnych umiejętności współdziałania. Rezultaty analizy pozwalają zoperacjonalizować praktyki oporu pod kątem celów wychowania i stawiają w nowym świetle problemy powiązań i nawarstwiania się wrogich szkole ideologii neoliberalizmu, nacjonalizmu i militaryzmu. ; The paper analyses types of political education worth developing in contemporary Polish schools and in other places dedicated to building human capacity to work together in a non-alienated way. The analysis is based on my own research from the area of learning in social movements. I analyze three orders ensuring social coordination (neoliberalism, nationalism, and militarism) in the context of the values they exclude: the common good, self-government and peace. The result of the work is a matrix assigning these counter-values, accordingly, to coordination, cooperation and collaboration. 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Mary Elizabeth King on Civil Action for Social Change,
the Transnational Women's Movement, and the Arab Awakening







Nonviolent resistance remains by and large a marginal
topic to IR. Yet it constitutes an influential idea among idealist social
movements and non-Western populations alike, one that has moved to the center
stage in recent events in the Middle East. In this Talk, Mary King—who has spent over 40 years promoting nonviolence—elaborates
on, amongst others, the women's movement, nonviolence, and civil action more
broadly.






Print version of this Talk (pdf)






What is, according to you, the central challenge or principal debate in
International Relations? And what is your position regarding this challenge/in
this debate?



The field of International Relations is different from
Peace and Conflict Studies; it has essentially to do with relationships between
states and developed after World War I. In the 1920s, the big debates concerned
whether international cooperation was possible, and the diplomatic elite were
very different from diplomats today. The roots of Peace and Conflict Studies go
back much further. By the late 1800s peace studies already existed in the
Scandinavian countries. Studies of industrial strikes in the United States were
added by the 1930s, and the field had spread to Europe by the 1940s. Peace and
Conflict Studies had firmly cohered by the 1980s, and soon encircled the globe.
Broad in spectrum and inherently multi-disciplinary, it is not possible to walk
through one portal to enter the field.



To me it is also important that Peace and Conflict
studies is not wary of asking the bigger hypothetical questions such as 'Can we
built a better world?' 'How do we do a better job at resolving conflicts before
they become destructive?' 'How do we create more peaceable societies?' If we do
not pose these questions, we are unlikely to find the answers. Some political scientists say that they do not wish to
privilege either violence or nonviolent action. I am not in that category,
trying not to privilege violence or
nonviolent action. The field of peace and conflict studies is value-laden in
its pursuit of more peaceable societies. We need more knowledge and study of
how conflicts can be addressed without
violence, including to the eventual benefit of all the parties and the larger
society. When in 1964 Martin Luther King Jr received
the Nobel Peace Prize, his remarks in Oslo that December tied the nonviolent
struggle in the United States to the whole planet's need for disarmament. He said
that the most exceptional characteristic of the civil rights movement was the
direct participation of masses of people in it. King's remarks in Oslo were also
his toughest call for the use of nonviolent resistance on issues other than
racial injustice. International nonviolent action, he said, could be utilized
to let global leaders know that beyond racial and economic justice, individuals
across the world were concerned about world peace:



I venture to suggest [above all] . . . that . . . nonviolence become
immediately a subject for study and for serious experimentation in every field
of human conflict, by no means excluding relations between nations . . . which
[ultimately] make war. . . .



In the half century since King made his address in
Oslo, nonviolent civil resistance has not been allocated even a tiny fraction
of the resources for study that have been dedicated to the fields of
democratization, development, the environment, human rights, and aspects of
national security. Many, many questions beg for research, including intensive
interrogation of failures. Among the new global developments with which to be
reckoned is the enlarging role of non-state, non-governmental organizations as
intermediaries, leading dialogue groups comprised of adversaries discussing
disputatious issues and working 'hands-on' to intervene directly in local
disputes. The role of the churches and laity in ending Mozambique's civil war
comes to mind. One challenge within IR is how to become more flexible in
viewing the world, in which the nation state cannot control social change, and
with the widening of civil space.





How did you arrive at
where you currently are in your thinking about IR?



I
came from a family that was deeply engaged with social issues. My father was the
eighth Methodist minister in six generations from North Carolina and Virginia.
The Methodist church in both Britain and the United States has a history of
concern for social responsibility ― a topic of constant discussion in my home
as a child and young adult. When four African American students began the
southern student sit-in movement in Greensboro, North Carolina, on February 1,
1960, by sitting-in at a Woolworth's lunch counter, I was still in college.
Although I am white, I began to think about how to join the young black people
who were intentionally violating the laws of racial segregation by conducting
sit-ins at lunch counters across the South. Soon more white people, very like
me, were joining them, and the sweep of student sit-ins had become truly
inter-racial. The sit-in movement is what provided the regional base for what
would become a mass U.S. civil rights movement, with tens of thousands of
participants, defined by the necessity for fierce nonviolent discipline. So,
coming from a home where social issues were regularly discussed it was almost
natural for me to become engaged in the civil rights movement. And I have
remained engaged with such issues for the rest of my life, while widening my
aperture. Today I work on a host of questions related to conflict, building
peace, gender, the combined field of gender and peace-building, and nonviolent
or civil resistance. At a very young age, I had started thinking as a citizen
of the world and watching what was happening worldwide, rather than merely in
the United States.



Martin Luther King (to whom I am
not related) would become one of history's most
influential agents for propagating knowledge of the potential for constructive
social change without resorting to violence. He was the most significant exemplar
for what we simply called The Movement. Yet the movement had two southern
organizations: in 1957 after the success of the Montgomery bus boycott of
1955-56, he created, along with others, the Southern Christian Leadership
Conference (SCLC). The other organization was the one for which I worked for
four years: the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC, pron. snick), which initially came into being literally to coordinate
among the leaders of the student sit-in campaigns. As the sit-ins spread across
the South, 70,000 black, and, increasingly, white, students participated. By
the end of 1960, 3,600 would have been jailed.



SCLC and SNCC worked together but
had different emphases: one of our emphases in SNCC was on eliciting leadership
representing the voices of those who had been ignored in the past. We
identified many women with remarkable leadership skills and sought to
strengthen them. We wanted to build institutions that would make it easier for
poor black southern communities to become independent and move out of the
'serfdom' in which they lived. Thus we put less prominence on large
demonstrations, which SCLC often emphasized. Rather, we stressed the building
of alternative (or parallel) institutions, including voter registration,
alternative political parties, cooperatives, and credit unions.





What would a student
need (dispositions, skills) to become a specialist in IR or understand the
world in a global way?



One requirement is a subject that
has virtually disappeared from the schools in the United States: the field of
geography. It used to be taught on every level starting in kindergarten, but
has now been melded into a mélange called 'social sciences'. You would be
surprised at how much ignorance exists and how it affects effectiveness. I
served for years on the board of directors of an esteemed international
non-profit private voluntary organization and recall a secretary who thought
that Africa was a country. This is not simplistic — if you don't know the names
of continents, countries, regions, and the basic political and economic
history, it's much harder to think critically about the world. Secondly,
students need to possess an attitude of reciprocity and mutuality. No perfect
country exists; there is no nirvana without intractable problems in our world.
No society, for example, has solved the serious problems of gender inequity
that impede all spheres of life. Every society has predicaments and problems
that need to be addressed, necessitating a constant process. So we each need to
stand on a platform in which every nation can improve the preservation of the
natural environment, the way it monitors and protects human rights, transitions
to democratic systems, the priority it places on the empowerment of women, and
so on. On this platform, concepts of inferior and superior are of little value.



You also co-authored an article in 1965 about the role of women and how working in a political movement for equality
(the civil rights movement) has affected your perceptions of the relationship
between men and women. Do you believe that the involvement of women in the
Civil Rights Movement brought more gender equality in the USA and do you think
involvement in Nonviolent Resistance movements in other places in the world
could start such a process?



From within the heart of the civil
rights movement I wrote an article with Casey Hayden, with whom I worked in
Atlanta in the main office of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and in the
Mississippi Freedom Summer of 1964. Casey
(Sandra Cason) and I were deeply engaged in a series of conversations involving
other women in SNCC about what we had been learning, the lessons from our work aiding
poor black people to organize, and asking ourselves whether our insights from
being part of SNCC could be applied to other forms of injustice, such as inequality
for women. The document reflected our growth and enlarging understanding of how
to mobilize communities, how to strategize, how to achieve lasting change, and
was a manifestation of this expanding awareness. The title was Sex and Caste – A Kind of Memo. Caste is an ancient Hindu demarcation
that not only determines an individual's social standing on the basis of
the group into which one is born, but also differentiates and assigns
occupational and economic roles. It cannot be
changed. Casey and I thought of caste as comparable to the sex of one's birth.
Women endure many forms of prejudice, bias, discrimination, and cruelty merely
because they are female. For these reasons we chose the term caste. We sent our
memorandum to forty women working in local peace and civil rights movements of
the United States. The anecdotal evidence is strong that it inspired other
women, who started coming together collectively to work on their own
self-emancipation in 'consciousness raising groups.' It had appeared in Liberation magazine of the War Resisters
League in April 1966 and was a catalyst in spurring the U.S. women's movement; indeed, the consciousness-raising
groups fuelled the women's movement in the United States during the 1970s. Historians
reflect that the article provided tinder for what is now called 'second-wave
feminism', and the 1965 original is anthologized as one of the
generative documents of twentieth-century gender studies.



We
have to remember that women's organizations are nothing new, but have been
poorly documented in history and that much information has been lost. Women
have been prime actors for nonviolent social change in many parts of the world
for a long time. New Zealand was the first country to grant women the vote, in
1893, after decades of organizing. Other countries followed: China, Iran, later
the United States and the United Kingdom. Women in Japan would not vote until
1946. IR expert
Fred Halliday contends that one of the most remarkable transnational movements
of the modern age was the women's suffrage movement. The movement to enfranchise women may have been the biggest
transnational nonviolent movement of human history. It was a significant
historical phenomenon that throws light on how it is sometimes easier to bring
about social and political change now than in the past.





Nonviolent movements seem to be growing
around the world, and not only in dictatorships but also in democracies in
Europe and the USA. How do you explain this?



I think that the sharing of
knowledge is the answer to this question. Study in the field of nonviolent
action has accelerated since the 1970s, often done by people who are both
practitioners and scholars, as am I. Organizing nonviolently for social justice
is not new, but the knowledge that has consolidated during the last 40 years
has been major. The works of Gene Sharp
have been significant, widely translated, and are accessible through the Albert EinsteinInstitution. His first major work, The Politics of Nonviolent
Action, in three volumes, came out in 1973 (Boston: Porter Sargent
Publishers). It marked the development of a new understanding of how this form
of cooperative action works, the conditions under which it can be optimized,
and the ways in which one can improve effectiveness. Sharp's works have since been
translated into more than 40 languages. Also valuable are the works and
translations of dozens of other scholars, who often stand on his shoulders.
Today there may be 200 scholar-activists in this field worldwide, with a great
deal of work now underway in related fields. Knowledge is being shared not only
through translated works, but also through organizations and their training
programs, such as the War Resisters League International and the International
Fellowship of Reconciliation, each of which came into existence in Britain around
World War I. Both are still running seminars, training programs, and
distributing books. George Lakey's Training for Change and a new database at Swarthmore College that
he has developed are sharing knowledge. So is the International Center for Nonviolent Conflict, which has built
a dramatic record in a short time, having run more than 400 seminars and
workshops in more than 139 countries. The three major films that ICNC has
produced (for example, 'Bringing Down a Dictator'), have
been translated into 20 languages and been publicly broadcast to more than 20
million viewers.



After its
success, leaders from the Serbian
youth movement Otpor! (Resistance) that in 2000 disintegrated the Slobodan Milošević dictatorship formed a network
of activists, including experienced veterans from civil-resistance struggles in
South Africa, the Philippines, Lebanon, Georgia, and Ukraine to share their
experiences with other movements. People can now more
easily find knowledge on the World Wide Web, often in their original language
or a second language, and they can find networks that share information about
their experiences, including their successes and failures.



I reject the Twitter explanation for
the increased use of nonviolent action or civil resistance, because all
nonviolent movements appropriate the most advanced technologies available. This
pattern is related to the importance of communications for their basic success.
Nonviolent mobilizations must be very shrewd in putting across their purpose,
their goals and objectives, preparing slogans, and conveying information on how
people can become involved. In order for people to join—bearing in mind that
numbers are important for success—it is critically important to make clear
what goal(s) you are seeking and why you have elected to work with civil
resistance. This decision is sometimes hard to understand for people who have
suffered great cruelty from their opponent, and who maintain 'but we are the
victims', making the sharing of the logic of the technique of civil resistance vital.





What would you say is the importance of
Nonviolent Resistance Studies in the field of International Relations and
Political Science? And how do you counter those who argue that some forms of
structural domination are only ended through violence?



In
this case we can look at the evidence and stay away from arguing beliefs or
ideology. Thanks to political scientists Erica Chenoweth and Maria J. Stephan,
who have produced a discerning work, Why Civil Resistance Works (2011), we now have
empirical evidence that removes this question from mystery. They studied 323
violent and nonviolent movements that occurred between 1900 and 2006 and found
that the nonviolent campaigns were twice as effective as violent struggles in
achieving their goals, while incurring fewer costly fatalities and producing
much greater prospects for democratic outcomes after the end of the campaign.
They found only one area in which violent movements have been more successful,
and that is in secessions. So, we don't need to dwell in the realm of opinion,
but can read their findings. Other scholars have written about the same issues
using qualitative data ― by doing interviews, developing case studies, and analytical
descriptions ― but the work of Chenoweth and Stephan is quantitative, putting
it in a different category due to its research methods.





Reading 'Why Civil Resistance Works' it
caught my eye that nonviolent campaigns seem less successful in the Middle East
and Asia than in other regions. Did you see that also in your own work? And if
so, do you have an explanation for it? In addition, do you believe that the
'Arab Awakening' is a significant turn in history, or did the name arise too
quickly and will it remain a temporary popular phrase?



What
I encountered in working in the Middle East was an expectation, notion, or hope
among people that a great leader would save them and bring them out of darkness.
This belief seems often to have kept the populace in a state of passivity.
Sometimes such pervasive theories of leadership are deeply elitist: one must be
well educated to be a leader, one must be born into that role, one must be
male, or the first son, etc. Such concepts of leadership discourage the taking
of independent civil action.



I think that the Arab Awakening has
been significant for a number of reasons. As one example, there had been a
widespread (and patronizing) assumption in the United States and the West that
the Arabs were not interested in democracy. We have heard from various sources
including Israel for decades that Arabs are not attracted to democracy. As a
matter of fact, I think that all people want a voice. All human beings
wish to be listened to and to be able to express their hopes and aspirations.
This is a fundamental basis of democracy and widely applicable, although
democracy may take different forms. The Arab Awakening rebutted this arrogant
assumption. This does not mean that the course will be easy. One of my Egyptian
colleagues said to me, 'We have had dictatorship since 1952, but after Tahir
Square you expect us to build a perfect democracy in 52 weeks! It cannot
happen!'



Among the first concessions
sought by the 2011 Arab revolts was rejection of the right of a dictator's sons
to succeed him. The passing of power from father to son has been a
characteristic of patriarchal societies, in the Arab world and elsewhere. Anthropologist John Borneman notes, 'The public renunciation of the son's claim to inherit the
father's power definitively ends the specific Arab model of succession that has
been incorporated into state dictatorships among tribal authorities'. In Tunisia to Egypt, Libya,
Syria, and Yemen (not all of which are successes), such movements have sought
to end the presumption of father-son inheritance of rule.



I believe that we are seeing the start of a broad democratization process
in the Middle East, not its end. The learning and preparation that had been occurring
in Egypt prior to Tahrir Square was extensive. Workshops had been underway for
10 to 15 years before people filled Tahrir Square. Women bloggers had for years
been monitoring torture and sharing news from outside. One woman blogger
translated a comic book into Arabic about the Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King
Jr, from the 1960s, and had it distributed all over Cairo. Labor unions had
been very active. According
to historian Joel Beinin, from 1998 to 2010 some 3 million laborers took part
in 3,500 to 4,000 strikes, sit-ins, demonstrations, and other actions,
realizing more than 600 collective labor actions per year in 2007 and 2008. In the years immediately before the revolution, these
actions became more coherent. Wael Ghonim, a 30-year-old Google executive, set
up a Facebook page and used Google technologies to share ideas and knowledge
about what ordinary people can do. The April 6 Youth Movement, set up in 2008, three years before Tahrir, sent one of
its members to Belgrade in 2009, to learn how Otpor! had galvanized the
bringing down of Milošević. He returned to Cairo with materials and films,
lessons from other nonviolent movements, and workshop materials. This all goes
back to the sharing of knowledge. Yet the Egyptians have now come to the point
where they must assume responsibility and accountability for the whole and make
difficult decisions for their society. It will be a long and difficult process.
And it raises the question of what kind of help from outside is essential.





Why do you raise this point; do you think
outside help is essential?



I know from having
studied a large number of nonviolent movements in different parts of the globe
that the sharing of lessons laterally among mobilizations and nonviolent
struggles is highly effective. African American leaders were traveling by
steamer ship from 1919 until the outbreak of World War II to the Indian
subcontinent, to learn from Gandhi and the Indian independence struggles. This
great interchange between black leaders in the United States and the Gandhian
activists, as the historian Sudarshan Kapur shows in Raising
Up A Prophet (1992), was critically significant in the
solidification of consensus in the U.S. black community on nonviolent means. I have written about how the knowledge moved from East
to West in my book Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King. Scholarly exchanges and interchanges among activists
from other struggles are both potentiating and illuminating. Most
observers fail to see that nonviolent mobilizations often have very deep roots
involving the lateral sharing of experience and know-how.





You have written a book about the first
uprising, or 'intifada', in the Occupied Palestinian Territories between 1987
and 1993. The second Palestinian uprising did not contain much nonviolent
tactics though. Do you foresee another uprising soon? If not, why? If yes, do
you think that Nonviolent Actions will play again an important role in that
uprising, or is it more likely to turn violent?



Intifada is linguistically a
nonviolent word: It means shaking off and has no violent implication
whatsoever. (This word is utterly inappropriate for what happened in the
so-called Second Intifada, although it started out as a nonviolent endeavor.)
In the 1987 intifada, virtually the entire Palestinian society living under
Israel's military occupation unified itself with remarkable cohesion on the use
of nonviolent tools. The first intifada (1987-1993, especially 1987-1990)
benefited from several forces at work in the 1970s and 1980s, about which I
write in A Quiet Revolution (2007), one of which came from Palestinian activist
intellectuals working with Israeli groups, who wanted to end occupation for
their own reasons. These Israeli peace activists thought the occupation
degraded them, made them less than
human, in addition to oppressing Palestinians. The second so-called intifada
was not a 'shaking off'. For the first time, it bade attacks against the
Israeli settlements, which had not occurred before.



Let me put it this way: in virtually every situation, there is some
potential for human beings to take upon themselves their own liberation through
nonviolent action. We may expect that such potential is dormant and waiting for
enactment. Disciplined nonviolent action is underway in a number of
village-based struggles against the separation barrier in the West Bank right
now, in which Israeli allies are among the action takers. As another example,
the Freedom Theatre in Jenin is using Freedom Rides, a concept
adopted from the U.S. southern Civil Rights Movement, riding buses to the South
Hebron Hills villages and along the way using drama, music, and giant puppets
as a way of stimulating debate about Israeli occupation. Bloggers and writers
share their experiences (see e.g. this post by Nathan Schneider). For
the first time, as we speak, the Freedom Bus will travel from the West Bank to
make two performances in historic pre-1948 Palestine (Israel), in Haifa and the
Golan, in June 2013. A Palestinian 'Empty Stomach' campaign, led by Palestinian
political prisoners in Israel, has had some success in using hunger strikes to
press Israeli officials for certain demands. With the purpose of prevailing
upon Israel to conform to international resolutions pertaining to the
Palestinians and to end its military occupation, Palestinian civic
organizations in 2005 launched a Boycott, Divestment Sanctions (BDS) campaign,
drawing upon the notable example of third-party sanctions applied in the
anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa. The Palestinian Authority has called
for non-state observer status at the United Nations and supports the boycotting
of products from Israeli settlements resistance.



More and more Palestinians are now
saying, 'We must fight for our rights with nonviolent resistance'. Many
Israelis are also deeply concerned about the future of their country. I
recently got an email from an Israeli who was deeply affected by reading Quiet
Revolution and has started to reach out to
Palestinians and take actions to bring to light the injustices that he
perceives. Tremendous debate is underway about new techniques, novel processes,
and how to shift gears to more effective mutual action. The United States
government and its people continue to pay for Israel's occupation and
militarization, which has abetted the continuation of conflict, although it is
often done in the name of peace! The United States has not incentivized the
building of peace. It has done almost nothing to help the construction of
institutions that could assist coexistence.



Also,
it is very important for the entire world, including Israelis, to recognize
intentional nonviolent action when they see it. The Israeli government
persisted in denying that the 1987 Intifada was nonviolent, when the Palestinian
populace had been maintaining extraordinary nonviolent discipline for nearly
three years, despite harsh reprisals. Israeli officials continued to call it
'unending war' and 'the seventh war'. Indeed, it was not perfect nonviolent discipline,
but enough that was indicative of a change in political thinking among the
people in the Palestinian areas that could have been built upon. Although some
Israeli social scientists accurately perceived the sea change in Palestinian
political thought about what methods to use in seeking statehood and the
lifting of the military occupation, the government of Israel generally did not
seize upon such popularly enacted nonviolent discipline to push for progress.
My sources for Quiet Revolution
include interviews with Israelis, such as the former Chief Psychologist of the
Israel Defense Force and IDF spokesperson.





Your latest book is about the transitions
of the Eastern European countries from being under Soviet rule to independent
democracies. You chose to illustrate these transitions with New York Times
articles. Why did you chose this approach; do you think the NY Times was
important as a media agency in any way or is there another reason?



There
is another reason: The New York Times
and CQ Press approached me and asked if I would write a reference book on the
nonviolent revolutions of the Eastern bloc, using articles from the Times that I would choose upon which to
hang the garments of the story. The point of the work is to help particularly
young people learn that they can study history by studying newspapers. The book
gives life to the old adage that newspaper reporters write the first draft of
history. In the book's treatment of these nonviolent revolutions, I chose ten Times articles for
each of the major ten struggles that are addressed, adding my historical
analysis to complete the saga for each country. It had been difficult for Times reporters to get into Poland, for
example, in the late 1970s and the crucial year of 1980; they sometimes risked
their lives. Yet it's in the nature of journalism that their on-the-spot
reportage needed additional analysis; furthermore newspaper accounts often
stress description.



After
the 1968 Prague Spring, when the Soviet Union sent 750,000 troops and tanks
from five Warsaw Pact countries into Czechoslovakia, crushing that revolt,
across Eastern Europe a tremendous amount of fervent work got underway by small
non-official committees, often below the radar of the communist party states.
This included samizdat (Russian for
'self published'), works not published by the state publishing machinery,
underground publications that were promoting new ways of thinking about how to
address their dilemma. Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Lithuania were the most
active in the Eastern bloc with their major but covert samizdat. As it was
illegal in Czechoslovakia for a citizen to own a photocopy machine, 'books'
were published by using ten pieces of onion-skin paper interspersed with carbon
sheets, 'publishing' each page by typing it and its copies on a manual
typewriter.



The
entire phenomenon of micro-committees, flying universities, samizdat boutiques,
seminars, drama with hidden meanings, underground journals, and rock groups
transmitting messages eluded outside observers, who were not thinking about
what the people could do for themselves. The economists and Kremlinologists who
were observing the Eastern bloc did not discern what the playwrights, small
committees of activist intellectuals, local movements, labor unions,
academicians, and church groups were undertaking. They did not imagine the
scope or scale of what the people were doing for themselves with utmost
self-reliance. In essence, no one saw these nonviolent revolutions coming, with
the exception of the rare onlooker, such as the historian Timothy Garton Ash. Even today the
peaceful transitions to democracy of the Eastern bloc are sometimes explained
by saying 'Gorby did it', when Gorbachev did not come to power until 1985. Or by
attributing the alterations to Reagan's going to Berlin and telling Gorbachov
to tear down the Wall. 



By
December 1981, Poland was under martial law, which unleashed a high degree of
underground organizing, countless organizations of self-help, reimagining of
the society, and the publishing of samizdat. Still, even so, some people
believe that this sweeping political change was top-down.  It is indisputably true that nonviolent
action usually interacts with other forces and forms of power, but I would say
that we need this book for its accessible substantiation of historically
significant independent nonviolent citizen action as a critical element in the
collapse of the Soviet Union.





You also mention Al Jazeera as an
important media agency in your most recent blog post at 'Waging Nonviolence'.
You wrote that Al Jazeera has an important role in influencing global affairs.
Could you explain why? And more generally, how important is diversification of
media for international politics?



Al
Jazeera generally has not been taking the point of view of the official organs
of governments of Arab countries and has usually not reported news from
ministries of information. Additionally, it often carries reports from local
correspondents in the country at issue. If you are following a report from
Gaza, it is likely to be a Gazan journalist who is transmitting to Al Jazeera.
If it is a report from Egypt, it may well be an Egyptian correspondent. Al
Jazeera also has made a point of reporting news from Israel, and utilizing
reporters in Tel Aviv, which may be a significant development. Certainly in the
2010-2011 Arab Awakening, it made a huge difference that reports were coming
directly from the action takers rather than the official news outlets of Arab
governments.



President
George W. Bush did not want Al Jazeera to come to the United States, because he
considered it too anti-American. I remember reading at the time that the first
thing that Gen. Colin Powell said to Al Jazeera was 'can you tone it down a
little?' when asking why Al Jazeera couldn't be less anti-American in its news.
To me, either you support free speech or you do not; it's free or it's not: You
can't have a little bit of control and a little bit of freedom.



Until
recently, Al Jazeera was not easily available in the United States, except in
Brattleboro, Vermont; Washington, DC; and a few other places. It was difficult
to get it straight in the United States. I mounted a special satellite so that
I could get Al Jazeera more freely. This does not speak well for freedom of the
press in the United States. This may change with the advent of Al Jazeera
America, although we still do not know to what degree it will represent an
editorially free press.



News
agencies are important for civil-resistance movements for major reasons.
Popular mobilizations need good communications internally and externally!  People need to understand clearly what is the
purpose and strategy and to be part of the making of decisions. Learning also crucially
needs to take place inside the movement: activist intellectuals often act as
interpreters, framing issues anew, suggesting that an old grievance is now
actionable. No one expects the butcher, the baker, or the candlestick maker,
and everyone else in the movement to read history and theory.



When
news media are interested and following a popular movement of civil resistance,
they can enhance the spread of knowledge. In the U.S. civil rights movement,
the Southern white-owned newspapers considered the deaths of black persons or
atrocities against African Americans as not being newsworthy. There was
basically a 'black-out', if you want to call it that, with no pun. Yet dreadful
things were happening while we were trying to mobilize, organize, and get out the
word. So SNCC created its own media, and Julian Bond
and others and I set up nationwide alternative outlets. Eventually we had 12
photographers across the South. This is very much like what the people of the
Eastern bloc did with samizdat — sharing and disseminating papers, articles,
chapters, even whole books. The media can offer a tremendous boost, but
sometimes you have to create your own.





Last question. You combine scholarship
with activism. How do you reconcile the academic claim for 'neutrality' with
the emancipatory goals of activism?



To
be frank, I am not searching for neutrality in my research. Rather, I strive
for accuracy, careful transcription, and scrupulous gathering of evidence. I
believe that this is how we can become more effective in working for justice,
environmental protection, sustainable development, pursuing human rights, or
seeking gender equity as critical tools to build more peaceable societies.
Where possible I search for empirical data. So much has been ignored, for
example, with regards to the effects of gendered injustice. I do not seek
neutrality on this matter, but strong evidence. For example, since the 1970s, experts
have known that the education of women has profoundly beneficial and measurable
effects across entire societies, benefiting men, children, and women. Data from
Kerala, India; Sri Lanka; and elsewhere has shown that when you educate women
the entire society is uplifted and that all indicators shift positively. The
problem is that the data have for decades been ignored or trivialized. We need
much more than neutrality. We need to interpret evidence and data clearly to
make them compelling and harder to ignore. I think that we can do this with
methodologies that are uncompromisingly scrupulous.





Mary Elizabeth King is professor of peace and conflict studies at the
UN-affiliated University for Peace and and is Scholar-in-Residence in the
School of International Service, at the American University in Washington, D.C.
She is also a Distinguished Fellow of the Rothermere American Institute at the
University of Oxford, in the United Kingdom. Her most recent book is The
New York Times on Emerging Democracies in Eastern Europe (Washington, D.C.:
Times Reference and CQ Press/Sage, 2009), chronicling the nonviolent
transitions that took place in Poland,  Hungary, East Germany,
Czechoslovakia, the Baltic states, Serbia, Georgia, and Ukraine in the late
1980s and early 1990s. She is the author of the highly acclaimed A
Quiet Revolution: The First Palestinian Intifada and Nonviolent Resistance (New
York: Nation Books, 2007; London: Perseus Books, 2008), which examines crucial
aspects of the 1987 uprising overlooked or misunderstood by the media,
government officials, and academicians. 





Related links





King's personal page 
Read the book edited by
King on Peace Research for Africa
(UNU, 2007) here (pdf) 
Read the book by King Teaching Model: Nonviolent Transformation of
Conflict (UNU, 2006) here (pdf)










Print version of this Talk (pdf)





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Is entrepreneurship a good work alternative in terms of individual well-being? How is the well- being of entrepreneurs compared to that of employees? Does individual well-being determine the prolongation of the entrepreneur's working life? Despite the increasing international attention that the issue of individual well-being is receiving in both the political and academic arenas, these and other questions still lack an answer. Choosing Europe as the research scenario, this thesis aims to solve these questions to offer more arguments that enrich the current literature on well-being and entrepreneurship, while being useful both for individuals who are or want to become entrepreneurs and for future political reforms of entrepreneurship. The first essay uses data from the European Community Household Panel to examine the change in satisfaction with the main activity of inactive individuals who transition to self-employment compared to those who become paid employees and those who remain inactive. Incorporating inactive individuals into the workforce could generate significant economic and social benefits. Despite the fact that inactivity is made up of very heterogeneous individuals, self-employment could be a very attractive occupational alternative for them, thanks to the nonpecuniary benefits it offers. The estimates point to a positive association between satisfaction with the main activity of inactive individuals and entry into self-employment. In addition, specific analyses are performed for the different profiles of inactive people in order to draw more exhaustive and detailed conclusions. This work may be relevant to policies that seek employment opportunities for inactive individuals, while improving their welfare. The second study echoes government programs focused on reducing the widespread problems of mental health and considers the workplace as the main context to analyze. Therefore, the objective of this work is to make an in-depth comparison of the mental health of self-employed and paid workers, distinguishing between two main types of self-employment (necessity and opportunity self- employment). Using the European Working Conditions Survey, results from the analysis confirm the existence of differences between the two groups of workers. Additionally, moderation-based analyses are used to find out the influence of nonpecuniary benefits from self-employment on the main results. The findings of this study contribute to the literature on entrepreneurship and mental health, while also being of particular relevance for policy makers in these areas. The last chapter studies an issue of great concern in Europe: retirement. In recent years, the debate has focused mainly on raising the mandatory age of retirement. However, a widespread trend has recently arisen among Western governments aimed at encouraging individuals to voluntarily discard early retirement. In this context, although many academics have studied paid employees in terms of their retirement behavior, little is known as to the retirement behavior of the self-employed. The goal of this chapter is to shed light on this research gap. Thus, using the Survey on Health, Aging and Retirement in Europe, it analyzes and compares the probability of early retirement for both paid employees and self-employed workers. In addition, it tests the moderating effect of well-being on that probability. The results indicate that the self-employed are less likely to retire early as compared to paid employees. These findings, besides contributing to the extant literature, have meaningful implications for designing policy-makers aimed at extending working life. ; ¿Es el emprendimiento una buena alternativa laboral en términos de bienestar individual? ¿Cómo es el bienestar de los emprendedores en comparación con el de los asalariados? ¿Determina el bienestar individual la prolongación de la vida laboral de los emprendedores? Pese a la creciente atención internacional que está recibiendo el concepto de bienestar individual, tanto en el panorama político como en el académico, éstas y otras cuestiones aún carecen de respuesta. Eligiendo Europa como escenario de investigación, esta tesis tiene como propósito resolver estas preguntas para ofrecer más argumentos que enriquezcan la literatura actual de bienestar y emprendimiento, al tiempo que resulten útiles tanto para los individuos que son o quieren llegar a ser emprendedores como para futuras reformas políticas de emprendimiento. El primer ensayo de esta tesis utiliza datos del Panel de Hogares de la Unión Europea para examinar el cambio en la satisfacción con la actividad principal de los individuos inactivos que transitan al autoempleo en comparación con los que se convierten en empleados asalariados y los que permanecen inactivos. La incorporación de los individuos inactivos a la fuerza laboral podría generar beneficios económicos y sociales significativos. A pesar de que la inactividad está compuesta de individuos muy heterogéneos, el autoempleo podría ser una alternativa ocupacional muy atractiva para sus integrantes, gracias a los beneficios no pecuniarios que ofrece. Las estimaciones apuntan a una asociación positiva entre la satisfacción con la actividad principal de los individuos inactivos y la entrada al autoempleo. Además, se efectúa un análisis específico para distintos perfiles de inactivos con el objetivo de extraer conclusiones más exhaustivas y detalladas. Este trabajo puede ser relevante para las políticas que buscan una salida laboral para los individuos inactivos que ayude a mejoran su bienestar. El segundo estudio se hace eco de los programas gubernamentales centrados en reducir el impacto negativo de la salud mental y considera el puesto de trabajo como contexto principal a analizar. Por tanto, el objetivo de este trabajo es comparar en profundidad la salud mental de autoempleados y asalariados, distinguiendo entre los dos principales tipos de autoempleo (autoempleo por necesidad y por oportunidad). Utilizando datos de la Encuesta Europea sobre Condiciones de Trabajo, el análisis confirma la existencia de diferencias entre los dos colectivos analizados. Adicionalmente, se hace uso de análisis basados en moderaciones para averiguar la influencia de los beneficios no pecuniarios del autoempleo en los resultados principales. Los hallazgos obtenidos contribuyen a la literatura sobre emprendimiento y la salud mental, a la vez que resultan de relevancia para la formulación de políticas en estas materias. El último capítulo se centra en uno de los fenómenos que más preocupación está generando en el ámbito europeo: la jubilación. En los últimos años, el debate se ha centrado en retrasar la edad de jubilación. Sin embargo, recientemente, existe una tendencia generalizada por parte de los gobiernos occidentales centrada en alentar a los individuos a descartar la salida anticipada de sus vidas laborales de manera voluntaria. En este contexto, aunque muchos académicos han estudiado la jubilación de los empleados asalariados, los estudios acerca del comportamiento de los autoempleados en relación a la jubilación son más escasos. El objetivo de este capítulo es arrojar luz en esta brecha de investigación. Así, empleando datos de la Encuesta de Salud, Envejecimiento y Jubilación en Europa, se compara la probabilidad de jubilación anticipada de los asalariados y los autoempleados. Además, se analiza el efecto moderador del bienestar en dicha probabilidad. Los resultados obtenidos indican que los autoempleados son menos propensos a prejubilarse y menos sensibles al bienestar laboral en comparación con los asalariados. Estos hallazgos, además de contribuir a la literatura previa, tienen implicaciones significativas para los responsables de las políticas orientadas a extender la vida laboral.