Suchergebnisse

This thesis proposes a legislative model Research and Development Tax Incentive(RDTI) for Australia to stimulate greater private investment in agricultural researchand development (R&D), thereby increasing Australia's contribution to global foodsecurity. A review of the food security literature demonstrates that underinvestmentin agricultural R&D is diminishing the world's capacity to sustainablyprovide food security for all. The international literature on tax policy and reform,whilst generally silent on the specific challenge of food security, does confirm thepositive role that taxation measures can potentially play in assisting with contemporarysocial challenges. Guided by pragmatism, this socio-legal reform orientated thesisundertakes comparative case studies of RDTIs from Japan, South Africa and theUnited States to elicit their strengths and weaknesses and identify best practice. Thesefindings, together with a critical analysis of the existing Australian RDTI law, aredrawn together in developing the proposed legislative model. The merit of themodel is also considered in terms of the widely accepted criteria of a good taxsystem, namely certainty and administrative efficiency (including simplicity andcompliance costs), in conjunction with the potential to contribute to global foodsecurity. In an attempt to integrate taxation and innovation with other economicobjectives, the model RDTI legislatively incorporates national strategic research prioritiesto produce a more cohesive approach to R&D reform. This approach is designed todirect finite government funding towards targeted areas of national concern. It isenvisioned that the model Australian RDTI could be adopted by other tax jurisdictions,or alternatively, adapted to encourage innovative approaches to other social challenges(domestic or global) in a relatively flexible and timely manner. The thesis demonstratesboth the potential and merit for innovative tailoring of tax provisions which embracebenevolent aspirations alongside national economic objectives. The model RDTI is anexample of how well-drafted legislation underpinned by clear policy intent can drivemeaningful and strategic tax reform for the betterment of society as a whole.

As Washington, Taipei, and Beijing commence their new administrations, this monograph sets out to examine their current and former respective Taiwan Strait policies and the strategic implications for cross-strait relations. Notwithstanding their domestic political pressures at home and different normative and strategic orientations and objectives, all three actors share the common national security interest in continuing and deepening the current peaceful China-Taiwan trajectory that has existed since May 2008

In contemporary times of globalisation the manifestations of disparities of poverty and wealth and the design and implementation of policy responses become ever more complex and challenging. It is the conventional task of the (national) government to promote socio-economic security and equality by reaching out to the peripheral regions, marginalised people, and most problematic issues of disparities of poverty and wealth. This Ph.D. thesis argues that governmental policy outreach and effect(iveness) are increasingly determined by whether and how policy-making considers and integrates liberalised market forces, societal stakeholders, and national and decentralised local governments. In the Philippines disparities of poverty and wealth particularly disadvantage rural, agricultural peripheries that show a high concentration of Muslim and indigenous minorities, and at local scales, of tenants and landless workers. Governmental policy-making (re)produces these disparities through spatial and sectoral biases on market growth and global integration for the most profitable yet volatile urban coastal centres of industries and services. Moreover, endogenous institutions of "traditional Philippine political culture" render policy-making ineffective as a means for a sustainable, locally-embedded, and -empowered form of development. The political elite is more interested in (corruptive) self-enrichment practices than long-term objectives of redistribution. Socio-cultural patronage relations towards them constrain participation of and partnership with local populations and non-governmental organisations in policy-making. In lieu of cooperating, stakeholders operate mutually exclusive or compete with each other, causing an institutional overload and chaos in the most profitable policy sites, while others are entirely neglected. Altogether, the interactions between spatial, sectoral disparities, social inequalities, and policy-making biases have triggered of persistent armed conflicts over "redistributive and recognitive justice" in the developmental peripheries. The conflicts work to exacerbate the developmental gap between centres and peripheries, weaken Filipinos' national cohesion in favour of regional and local identities, and threaten the legitimacy of government. Hence, this thesis depicts how imbalanced negotiations between state and globalised market on the one hand and a persistent endogenous political culture in policy-making on the other can work to continually (re)produce manifestations of disparities of poverty and wealth to eventually undermine government and nation-state.

Thus far, there has been a dearth of studies that systemically examine the relationship between diaspora philanthropy, the development community and securitised migration regimes. This article addresses this by responding to the research question, "How coherent are securitised migration policies with diaspora philanthropy and the transformative development objectives that characterise the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) agenda?" The analysis is based on the concept of policy coherence for development (PCD). The article compares the simultaneous regionalization and securitization of European Union and United States migration policies and contends that these policy strategies undermine diaspora philanthropy, development partnerships and transformative development. Normative change must be introduced in order to establish coherence between globalized migration policies and diaspora philanthropy objectives. Normative coherence for development can be achieved by introducing principles from the SDG's and the Busan Development Partnership Agreement amongst other international development agendas, into migration policy-making at the national and regional levels.

h is a widespread assumption thai vertical and horizontal proliferation are interconnected in a clear-cut manner: The nuclear armament policy of the five (known) nuclear-weaponstates leads to a weakening of the non-proliferation regime, while nuclear disarmament and enchroachments in the nuclear strategy, ultimately the abolishment of all atomic weapons, would lead to its strengthening. These assumptions (although disputed in the scientific literature) have found their way in the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), to whose regulations the Federal Republic of Germany has submitted and will submit in the future too. The disarmament orientation of the NPT, which stands beside the central aim of avoiding horizontal proliferation, raises a question: Does a compatibility exist between the nonproliferation policy of the Federal Republic and its security policy, which has its basic pillar in the nuclear deterrence strategy? Critics of this deterrence policy therefore, hinting to thedisarmament determination of the NPT, demand that the Federal Republic should exercise its influence for the conclusion of a "Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty" (CTBT), the establishment of a "Nuclear-Weapons-Free-Zones" (NWFZ) in Europe, a "No First Use"-Treaty (NFU) and finally the abolishment of all atomic weapons ("Zero Solution"}. According to them such disarmament "remedies" can reestablish or assure the waning or, damaged international consensus for horizontal non-proliferation. This would be a contribution for the establishment of a stable world order and will smooth the way for a prolongation of the NPT in the year 1995.An analysis of the history and the structure of interests shows that the policy of the Federal Republic of Germany is deeply rooted in the NPT and that a prolongation of the treaty and its own membership is a substantial object of the foreign and security policy. Consequently the Federal Republic has to face the demands for an intensification of "anti-nuclear measures" and has to examine their acceptability and their ...

The article considers the foreign policy of Argentina in the post-bipolar period,identifies the main directions of cooperation with the United States, Russia, China, the EU and Latin American countries. Distinguish the main areas of cooperation: political, economic and defense, emphasize the role of Argentina in these processes. First free presidential elections were held in Argentina in 1989. K. Menem came to power, which initiated the creation of MERCOSUR and pursued a policy of rapprochement with the United States. An effective domestic policy led out Argentina to a new level of development of the country, which positively affected its international level. Nestor Kirchner advocated rapprochement with the countries of the European Union, security policy remained an important component in shaping the country's foreign policy strategy; in particular, the important role of the UN was assigned in solving international problems, international terrorism issues, supporting disarmamentpolicy and non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. Christina Kirchner was the initiator of the implementation of the policy of multiculturalism. During her governing, there was a rapprochement with China, Russia and Brazil. Argentina was keen to join the BRICS group. Analysis of foreign policy M. Macri gives a complete picture of the situation of Argentina at the present stage, its role in international relations. The new political course of M. Macri is based on the renewal of democratic values within the country, the status of Argentina's leaderin Latin America, and the maintenance of friendly relations with the United States. Despite the deterioration of Ukrainian-Argentine relations over the past 5 years, outlines the main trends in relations between Ukraine and Argentina at the present day. ; В статье проанализирована внешняя политика Аргентины в постбиполярный период, определены основные направления сотрудничества со США, Россией, Китаем, ЕС и странами Латинской Америки. Выделены основные направления сотрудничества: политические, экономические и оборонные, освещена роль Аргентины в этих процессах. В 1989 году в Аргентине прошли первые свободные выборы президента, к власти пришел К. Менем, который стал инициатором создания МЕРКОСУР и проводил политику сближения со США. Эффективная внутренняя политика вывела Аргентину на новый уровень развития страны, что позитивно повлияло на ее международный уровень. Нестор Киршнер выступал за сближение со странами Европейского Союза, политика безопасности оставалась важной составляющей в формировании внешнеполитической стратегии страны, в частности отводилась важная роль ООН в решении международных проблем, вопросов международного терроризма, поддержки политики разоружения и нераспространения ядерного оружия. Кристина Киршнер была инициатором внедрения политики мультикультурализма. В период ее правления произошло сближение с Китаем, Россией, Бразилией. Аргентина стремилась присоединиться к группе стран БРИКС. Также рассмотрены изменения внешнеполитического курса Аргентины после избрания нового президента М. Макри. Анализ внешней политики М. Макри дает полное представление о положении Аргентины на современном этапе, ее роли в международных отношениях. Новый политический курс М. Макри основан на возобновлении демократических ценностей внутри страны, статуса лидера Аргентины в странах Латинской Америки, поддержания дружеских отношений с США. Несмотря на ухудшение украино-аргентинских отношений за последние 5 лет, в работе очерчены основные тенденции отношений Украины и Аргентины на современном этапе. ; В статті проаналізовано зовнішню політику Аргентини в постбіполярний період, визначено основні напрямки співробітництва зі США, Росією, Китаєм, ЄС та країнами Латинської Америки. Окреслено основні напрямки співробітництва: політичні, економічні та безпекові, освітлено роль Аргентини в цих процесах. Також розглянуто зміни зовнішньополітичного курсу Аргентини після обрання нового президента М. Макрі. Окреслені основні тенденції відносин України та Аргентини на сучасному етапі.

The European Directive on the Assessment and Management of Flood Risks is likely to cause changes to flood policy in Germany and other member states. With its risk governance approach, it introduces a holistic and catchment-oriented flood risk management and tries to overcome shortcomings of the past, such as the event-driven construction of mainly structural measures. However, there is leeway for interpretation in implementing the directive. The present paper gives an overview on the implementation of the floods directive in Germany and is divided into two qualitative empirical case studies. Case Study I investigates the level of acceptance of the floods directive among decision-makers in the German part of the Rhine river basin. Findings show that the federal states respond differently to the impulse given by the floods directive. Whereas some decision-makers opt for a pro-forma implementation, others take it as a starting point to systematically improve their flood policy. Case Study II presents recommendations for a successful implementation of flood risk management plans that have been developed within a project for the water authority in Bavaria and might be interesting for other federal/member states. For a participation of the interested parties on the level of shared decision-making, the planning process has to work on sub-management-plan level (15–20 communities). The water resources authority has to adopt a multi-faceted role (expert, responsible or interested party depending on the discussed topics).

Focusing on the case of Lebanon in which refugee concentration is the highest in the world relative to the population size, this paper aims to explore which factors shape initial policy preferences and changes over time in the first refugee destination countries. The paper specifically questions the policy responses of Lebanon to the Syrian refugee movement from 2012 to 2016, the motivations behind policies and the consequences of change. The paper argues that despite historically being a refugee receiving country, Lebanon has had neither structured border management, nor effective reception, protection and integration policies. Instead, it has largely adopted ad hoc policies for each refugee group. Through its response to the Syrian refugee movement in the initial years, Lebanon's inaction showed characteristics of policy paralysis, a situation in which the government was unable to create or implement policy
programs. The government was only able to block undesirable policy options, such as the establishment of camps, and to implement few ad-hoc policies that overall exemplify inaction. However, since the end of 2014, inaction has been replaced by restrictive measures on border management and reception to dissuade Syrian refugees, while the creation of protection and integration policies has been avoided. Policy changes in border control and reception reflect the Lebanese state's recognition of a demographic challenge, its desire to appease growing negative public sentiment, to renegotiate its sovereignty vis-à-vis growing security challenges and to increase the involvement of international organizations (IOs) in refugee governance. On the other hand, Lebanon refrains from developing protection and integration measures due to a
lack of capacity, ideational concerns pertaining to a delicate sectarian balance, as well as its historical experience with the protracted Palestinian refugee issue. The paper is based on qualitative research including case study evaluation, process tracing and policy ethnography. Data is drawn from the desk research of secondary literature, published reports and news as well as on fieldwork.

Decision analysis (DA) is an explicitly prescriptive discipline that separates beliefs about uncertainties from value preferences in modeling to support decision making. Researchers have been advancing DA tools for the last 60 years to support decision makers handling complex decisions requiring subjective judgments. Recently, some DA researchers and practitioners wondered whether the difficult decisions made during the COVID-19 pandemic regarding testing, masking, closing and reopening businesses, allocating ventilators, and prioritizing vaccines would have been improved with more DA involvement. With its focus on quantifying uncertainties, value trade-offs, and risk attitudes, DA should have been a valuable tool for decision makers during the pandemic. To influence decisions, DA applications require interactions with policymakers and experts to construct formal representations of the decision frame, elicit uncertainties, and assess risk tolerances and trade-offs among competing objectives. Unfortunately, such involvement of decision analysts in the process of decision making and policy setting did not occur during much of the COVID-19 pandemic. This lack of participation may have been partly because many decision makers were unaware of when DA could be valuable in helping with the challenges of the COVID-19 pandemic. In addition, decision analysts were perhaps not sufficiently adept at inserting themselves into the policy process at critical junctures when their expertise could have been helpful. Funding: This research was partially supported by the U.S. Department of Homeland Security through the Center for Accelerating Operational Efficiency at Arizona State University.

Since COVID-19 was confirmed in Bangladesh in March 2020, the government have enacted stringent measures to prevent the spread of the coronavirus, which has had a significant impact on people's lives. Food consumption habits of consumers have shifted as a result of declining grocery shopping frequency, negative income shock, and food prices shooting up. This paper aims to explore Bangladeshi consumers' buying behaviour in association with the stress generated from a food supply shortage during the COVID-19 pandemic and the post-outbreak perception of the food industry, using a dataset with 540 online samples collected between July and August 2021. A two-stage cluster sampling method and self-administrated questionnaire techniques were adopted for collecting the data during the third wave of COVID-19. Using partial least squares path modelling (PLS-PM) and multivariate multiple ordered logit regression (MVORD) to reveal the pertinent structure between all the blocks, this study provides two key findings. First, a higher intensity of COVID-19 impact translates into higher food stress associated with income reduction and higher food prices. Second, food stress directly affects consumer buying and consumption behaviour. We strongly recommend connecting consumers with local producers and collective use of shared warehouses through institutions, policies, and reforms to prevent disruption in the food supply chain and to keep food prices stable. Additionally, food producers, distributors, stakeholders, and policy planners should strengthen the food supply chain to stabilize food security.