Suchergebnisse

This contribution aims to give an overview on the state of the art of research on terrorism and gender in the field of Political Science and International Relations (IR). Contemporary analyses of terrorism have begun integrating gender aspects into their frameworks. This article supports the call for a much more coherent use of gender as an analytical category as this is beneficial for the analysis of ter-rorism in a threefold manner. First, gender as an analytical category in the study of terrorism exposes the gender blindness of the term terrorism; second, gender challenges the political myth of protection central to international politics, i.e. that states can legitimately fight wars to protect the vulnerable – vulgo women and children. Third, gender also challenges the myth of an intrinsic peacefulness/vulnerability of women. The paper closes with the plea to integrate a coherent historical dimension into a gendered analysis of terrorism in order to potentially achieve a more empirically attuned theoretical understanding of terrorism and political violence in current times.

In recent decades, gender equality goals have been adopted widely in global policymaking, creating a demand for specialized knowledge and evidence to support the design and implementation of gender equality policies. Bridging feminist scholarship on gender expertise and practice–theoretical literature on knowledge production, this article examines a knowledge production initiative of the World Bank, the Gender Innovation Laboratories (GILs). While research has examined the position of gender experts and the content of gender expertise in global governance, it has overlooked how knowledge about gender is produced. In this paper, we use a practice–theoretical approach—assemblage thinking—to study the practical work mobilized in the GILs to produce, maintain, and disseminate knowledge about gender inequality. Drawing on interviews with lab researchers, documents, and online materials, and focusing on the epistemic practice of impact evaluations, our analysis demonstrates the work invested in assembling them, such as forging alignments with and securing support among stakeholders, activating repertoires of expertise, and translating results into material objects. These practices produce gender inequality as a governance object, which is amenable to technical policy interventions, which facilitates certain forms of action to address it. Yet, they simultaneously silence more political solutions to gender inequalities.

Gender constitutes a fundamental intersection of social power relations in processes of globalization. As such, it could be expected that gender should be a prominent focus in Global Studies which is concerned with issues of inequality and human progress. This article discusses how this engagement remains troubled in many regards and the possibilities for more focus on genderinto Global Studies. Specifically, the article draws on the experience of teaching an intensive course on 'Gendering Global Studies' and discusses the pedagogy of teaching gender and the various challenges arising from this. Specific attention is given to the attempt to establish an inclusive learning environment; a balancing of a wide range of perspectives, particularly masculinitiesresearch and a strong conceptual focus on intersectionality; and a discussion of how a gender focus impacts on method and research practice. The article contributes to overall discussions about the nature of Global Studies; but more importantly it also seeks to highlight some of the ongoing challenges and opportunities in gender teaching in social sciences, and to offer concretesuggestions and pathways for bringing in a gender focus into Global Studies teaching.

The Electoral Commission's recently published report Gender and Political Participation captures in a clear and accessible fashion the ways in which gender determines the nature of women and men's political participation in the UK. Analysing existing academic survey research it establishes that there is an overall gender gap in political activism with men more active than women. However, it also finds that there is no gender gap in voter turnout at national, regional, or local elections and that in some political activities, such as signing petitions or boycotting products, women are more likely than men to be active. The report also raises important questions about the consequences ‐ substantive and in terms of legitimacy ‐ of women's lower levels of participation in party politics, and suggests that political parties should ensure that greater numbers of women are elected to our political institutions.

Wie lassen sich Aspekte der Geschlechterforschung in die herkömmliche Hochschullehre integrieren, insbesondere in technisch-naturwissenschaftlichen Studiengängen? Die Autorinnen haben unterschiedliche Ansätze für Antworten entwickelt und praktisch erprobt. Ihre Überlegungen, Erfahrungen und Erkenntnisse haben sie im vorliegenden Buch zusammengetragen. Die einzelnen Kapitel des Buches sind inhaltlich aufeinander bezogen, können aber in beliebiger Reihenfolge und unabhängig voneinander gelesen werden. Sie bieten grundsätzliche Überlegungen zu geschlechtergerechter Hochschuldidaktik und -lehre, machen Vorschläge zur konkreten Umsetzung und geben Einblick in den Zusammenhang zwischen der Kategorie Geschlecht und der Hochschullehre. Das Buch richtet sich an Hochschullehrende, DidaktikerInnen, Gleichstellungsbeauftragte, Verantwortliche für die Einrichtung und Akkreditierung von Studiengängen, aber auch an Studierende; an alle, die geschlechtergerechtes Handeln an Hochschulen verwirklichen wollen. Mit Zeichnungen von Dirk Stiefs und Fotos aus dem Hochschulalltag.

Steinborn and Hauser discuss the number of women in leadership. The appointments of German Chancellor Angela Merkel, General Motors' CEO Mary Barra, and IMF managing director Christine Lagarde signify a trend toward increasing the number of women in leadership. Less obviously, they also reflect a new global awareness that sex and gender are paramount in the development of politics, economics, and society in the 21st century. Women are finally, slowly yet irrevocably, taking a lead role in realms that historically were toughest for them to penetrate, such as business and politics. Adapted from the source document.

"Das Essay lässt sich von der Frage leiten, wie mit der Systemtheorie Niklas Luhmanns an Themen der Gender und Queer Studies angeschlossen werden kann. Neben der Vorstellung einiger bereits existierender Ansätze interessieren dabei besonders Luhmanns erkenntnistheoretischer Hintergrund und sein Verweis auf die Kontingenz des Sozialen, denn Geschlechter und andere sinnhafte Erscheinungen ergeben sich aus der Konstruktion sozialer und sozialisierter psychischer Systeme. 'Konstruiert' bedeutet jedoch nicht, dass die soziale oder psychische Referenz auf Geschlecht durch die regelmäßige Unterscheidung von Menschen in weibliche und männliche Wesen keine Folgen zeitigt. Was konstruiert ist, hat reale Folgen, weil es konstruiert ist. Doch das Wissen um die Konstruiertheit birgt Potenzial zur Emanzipation." (Autorenreferat)

"Das rassistische und sexistische Machtgebaren der Weißen, die systematische Demütigung und Unterdrückung schwarzer Männer sowie die fortschreitende Militarisierung der gesamten Gesellschaft während der Apartheid gelten als wichtige Faktoren für die Entstehung der geschlechtsspezifischen Gewaltmuster in Südafrika. Nach anfänglichen Rechtsreformen und einer innovativen Gender-Politik der ANC-Regierung in den 1990er Jahren sind Frauen- und Gender-Organisationen heute sowohl mit dem gewaltsamen Erbe der Apartheid als auch mit frauenfeindlichen Agitationen durch ANC-Politiker konfrontiert." (Autorenreferat)

Women's political participation and representation vary dramatically within and between countries. We selectively review the literature on gender in politics, focusing on women's formal political participation. We discuss both traditional explanations for women's political participation and representation, such as the supply of women and the demand for women, and newer explanations such as the role of international actors and gender quotas. We also ask whether women are distinctive—does having more women in office make a difference to public policy? Throughout the review we demonstrate that a full understanding of women's political representation requires both deep knowledge of individual cases such as the United States and broad knowledge comparing women's participation across countries. We end with four recommended directions for future research: (a) globalizing theory and research, (b) expanding data collection, (c) remembering alternative forms of women's agency, and (d) addressing intersectionality.