Suchergebnisse

The United Nations has assumed a prominent post-cold war role as an agent of democratic transitions in Third World states long torn by civil strife. Called "postconflict peace building" by the secretary general, this new brand of UN peacekeeping mission has seen notable success in countries such as El Salvador, Mozambique, Cambodia, and Namibia. But the record is mixed. The United Nations faces serious challenges in peace building because of dilemmas generated by deep tensions between the practices of peace building and long-standing UN principles of sovereignty, neutrality, and securing a democratic peace. Even when these dilemmas can be resolved, the United Nations confronts three constraints that fundamentally limit its capability to build the peace: the political will of UN member-states, the will and ability of local actors, and the capacity of local institutions. The long-term success of the United Nations' foray into peace building will depend in part on how skillfully UN officials are able to draw and apply lessons from the first 5 years of UN peace building and to address these conflicts of principle and practice.

This paper examines the way that women's relationship to peace is constructed in international institutions and international law. It identifies a set of claims about women and peace that are typically made and considers these in light of women's experience in the conflicts in Bougainville, East Timor and the Solomon Islands.

After highly fragmented civil wars, order is often secured through the selective co-optation of rebel field commanders and atomized insurgents. This paper presents a formal model of civil war settlement as a coalition formation game between various regime and rebel factions. This approach emphasizes the ability of installed civilian rulers to lure warlords into the state based on promises of future wealth, then use divide-and-rule tactics to pit different warlord factions against one another. Quantitative and qualitative data from Tajikistan, including an original data set of warlord incorporation and regime purges during wartime reconstruction, are used to evaluate the model.

This paper evaluated the peace building architecture by United Nations using Southwestern Nigeria as a reference point. Quantitative data were generated from responses to the questionnaire. In addition, the qualitative data were gathered from two sources: interview response and theme coding of Focus Group Discussion. Data collected were analysed using frequency, percentage, mean value and standard deviation as well as content analysis methods. From the descriptive statistics, this paper found out that quick intervention, cross-examination, negotiation, and mediation of differences were evaluated to be the key building strategies adopted for the enhancement of peaceful co-existence in local communities within Southwestern Nigeria. In spite of those good remarks, poor nature of ethnic cooperation underlines the causal reason for incessant communal conflicts in Southwestern Nigeria. It therefore concluded that peace building strategies in Southwestern Nigeria were evidently operationalised with observable inconsistencies from the qualitative data.

Abstract
The notions of democracy, peace-building and citizenship are all contested and multifaceted in the literature in terms of their meaning and their application in schools and other learning settings. This article is an attempt to explore the trajectories of democracy, peace-building and citizenship education in conflict zones, societies transitioning out of violent conflict and relatively democratic societies. After delving into the intersectionality of democracy, peace-building and citizenship education, the article highlights essential theoretical and practical peace-building citizenship approaches including education for humanization, human rights education, culturally relevant pedagogy and pedagogy of hope. In addition the author theorizes the components essential for the attainability of democratic peace-building citizenship education.