Suchergebnisse

Military tradition and establishment has long been a part of Philippine society. The scholarly works on military history, done mostly by former soldiers and officers, cover the vast panorama of both formal and informal traditions in military history. These works are comprehensive in terms of data, rendering an "ideal history" meant to instill pride and recognition for the military. Only recently has a more critical point of view surfaced. In the "other history" the military is de-glamorized in accounts of atrocities and defeats. Readers are provided a glimpse of the armed forces' complex character and changing roles particularly in the last three decades. More thorough studies are necessary to understand why the Philippine Armed Forces in its history has been both protector and oppressor of the people.

There is scant research on models for visualising strategies retrospectively. The authors present a new analytical, visual methodology for assessing the transformation of armed forces, which is usually considered to be the "second dimension" of strategy. It is novel and generally applicable to armed forces, and additionally provides several benefits, in particular with regard to its synoptic character. The methodology translates a sociological approach into strategic studies, a discipline which has not really developed its own yet. It is exemplified by means of the (airborne part of the) Swiss Air Force's transformation since the end of the Cold War. ; ISSN:1475-1798 ; ISSN:1475-1801

The aim of the article is to investigate the peculiarities of financing NATO's armed forces. The following methods were used in the study process: comparative analysis method, correlation analysis, content analysis. The current state of defense financing in the world and in NATO countries has been clarified. Sources of funding for civilian and military budgets and NATO security investment programs are highlighted. The civilian budget covers staff costs, operational costs, capital expenditures and expenses for the International Secretariat's programs at NATO Headquarters. The military budget covers the costs of operating and maintaining the structure of NATO military management bodies. The procedure for the payment of direct and indirect contributions to NATO content by the Allies is disclosed. The tasks of the bodies responsible for financial control over the formation and use of NATO finances are described: the North Atlantic Council, the Resource Policy and Planning Council, the Budget Committee, the Investment Committee, the NATO Independent International Audit Board. Shares of financing of civilian and military budgets, as well as NATO programs by NATO member countries, the ratio of defense expenditures to GDP in NATO countries, the share of capital expenditures in the structure of defense expenditures of NATO countries are analyzed. The volumes and structure of defense financing expenditures in Ukraine are compared with NATO countries. It is revealed that during 2014-2018 Ukraine significantly increased the amount of defense financing, at the same time the share of capital expenditures in the structure of defense spending in Ukraine remains insignificant. It is proposed to increase the share of expenditures on military investments and innovations, purchase of armaments and military equipment, construction of military facilities and, at the same time, limit the share of current expenditures on the maintenance of the armed forces.

Using simple regression, this paper examines the explanans to the degree of civilian control over the armed forces. This paper takes into consideration four of the most considered independent variables to explain the degree of civilian control over the armed forces, i.e. internal threat, economic condition, civil liberties, and military access to resources. It suggests that the degree of internal threat is negatively correlated with the degree of civilian control over the armed forces while economic condition, civil liberties, and defense spending, or access to resources, enhance the degree of civilian control over the armed forces. In addition, it also suggests that civil liberties have the highest influence to the degree of civilian control over the armed forces, controlling the other independent variables. Since civil liberties are closely related to degree of democracy, it basically confirms previous research that suggest the degree of civilian control is closely and positively correlated with the maturity of democracy.

Few propositions about international law have enjoyed more support
than the proposition that, under the Charter of the United Nations, the use of force by way of reprisals is illegal. Although, indeed, the words "reprisals" and "retaliation " are not to be found in the Charter, this proposition was generally regarded by writers2 and by the Security Council as the logical and necessary consequence of the prohibition of force in Article 2(4), the injunction to settle disputes peacefully in Article 2(3) and the limiting of permissible force by states to self-defense. The U.N. Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States, adopted by General Assembly Resolution 2625 (XXV) on October 24, 1970, contains the following categorical statement: "States have a duty to refrain from acts of reprisal involving the use of force."