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Cover title. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; WA copy is David O. McKay's copy.

AbstractFollowing recent insight into how citizens respond to attempts to correct political and salient misperceptions (Nyhan and Riefler, 2010, Political Behavior 32 (2): 303–330), we also expect that certain characteristics will predispose citizens to react strongly to messaging on highly contentious issues. Specifically, we expect that respondents will express an opinion that is even stronger in line with their predispositions when exposed to frames that challenge their position. Using an experiment on abortion opinion embedded in the 2010 Cooperative Congressional Election Study (CCES), we find little indication that Pro-Abortion Access and Anti-Abortion Access frames move opinion on abortion in the aggregate, but there is evidence that specific characteristics correlate with a "backfire" effect identified by Nyhan and Riefler (2010, Political Behavior 32 (2): 303–330). In particular, gender, religiosity, and "Born-Again" Christian affiliation are all predictive of responding to either the Anti-Abortion Access or Pro-Abortion Access frame by moving the opposite direction as intended on the feeling thermometer.

UID/HIS/04209/2019 ; What were the means of religious regulation, and more specifically, what were the terms for the institutionalisation of the Catholic Church that the Portuguese authoritarian state adopted? This article adopts a new historiographic interpretation on these questions in order to emphasise both the experience of restructuring the separation and defending the persistence of secularism in the political and cultural debate over the course of the 20th century in Portugal. This argument moves away from the until recently dominant perspective that there was prevailing in Portugal that phenomenon termed "clerical fascism" that some of the literature deems to have been generalised across the dictatorial regimes of Europe between the World Wars. ; publishersversion ; published

This paper focuses on a chronology of events presented by the Romanian media, especially newspapers with national coverage and impact like Gândul and Adevărul, between the first week of June to the first week of September 2015, when the issue of having a mosque erected in Bucharest, the capital city of Romania, was intensely debated by intellectuals, politicians, and religious professionals. The debates were intensely heated from the onset of these events and most of them revealed that most of the participants were driven by anti-Muslim attitudes, xenophobia, and assertive nationalism, a complex of feelings that I called "negative ecodomy". The concept of "negative ecodomy" presupposes an attempt to built a safe environment, in this case for Romanians in their own country, but the adjective "negative" was added to the the positive idea of "ecodomy" because these efforts to offer a safe context for Romanians were accompanied by the negativity of anti-Muslim, xenophobic, and nationalistic activities. This array of negative ecodomic attitudes were displayed by Romanians not only in online media but also in the street through protests and other similar actions in a country which has been a member of the European Union for almost a decade and was supposed to adhere to the European Union's basic principles of multiculturalism and the free circulation of persons. The totality of these events show that Romanians are still rather far from accepting the European Union's fundamental philosophy or perhaps these principles themselves should be reconsidered and reinterpreted in the context of the massive Middle Eastern and African immigration and the constant, if not increasing threat of Islamic terrorism.

Responding to one of the key recommendations of the transition from apartheid to a democratic South Africa, the government promulgated the South African Geographical Names Council Act No. 118 of 1998.1 The aim of this policy was to change the names of public places and roads. The City of Durban (eThekwini) started implementing this policy in 2006. However, the implementation process was dominated by political organizations with minimal participation by other civil society groups and a total nonparticipation of religious groups such as churches. For instance out of the 182 new names that were promulgated, only two of them (Denis Hurley and Diakonia) were drawn from the religious sector. The aim of this paper is to highlight the contestations and contradictions around the monumentalization of the history of South Africa through the geographical renaming process. It seeks to critically examine the implications for the non-participation of the religious sector in the geographical renaming process. The paper is concluded with a few propositions that can be embarked upon in order to enable effective and meaningful engagement in such a process in order to evince a generally inclusive and broadly accepted list of geographical names, representing most of the key sectors of society, rather than the dominant political organizations.

En este trabajo se analiza, desde un punto de vista crítico, el posicionamiento habermasiano en torno a su actual reconocimiento de los posibles aportes de las religiones al estado de derecho. Se afirma que tal postura no entraña contradicción con los presupuestos de la democracia deliberativa, ni afecta la calidad epistémica de sus procedimientos decisorios. Ahora bien, y precisamente por esto, la tesis a defender sostiene que, dado los exigentes requisitos que el filósofo establece para la participación de los ciudadanos religiosos en el ámbito político, tal reconocimiento en realidad no resulta tan significativo como el mismo lo presenta, pues establece como condición para las posibles contribuciones de tales ciudadanos que estos acepten las implicancias normativas del discurso argumentativo, que aseguran el valor cognitivo del procedimiento decisorio de la política deliberativa. El resultado del planteo de estas exigencias es que los aportes a la política basados en la fe solo resultan admisibles si no se presentan como tales. ; In this work is analyzed, from a critic point of view, the position of Habermas around his current recognition of the possible contributions of religions to the rule of law. It argues that such position does not involve contradiction with the presupposition of deliberative democracy, or affect the epistemic quality of their decision process. But precisely because of this reason, the thesis to defend holds that, in view of the demanding requirements that the philosopher establishes for the participation of the religious citizens in the political area, such a recognition actually does not turn out to be so significant as the philosopher presents it, since it establishes as condition to the possible contributions of such citizens, that they accept the normative implications of the argumentative discourse, which assure the cognitive value of the decision-making process of the deliberative politics. The result of consider these requirements, is that the contributions to politics based on faith are only admissible if they are not presented as such. ; Fil: Prono, Santiago Nicolas. Universidad Nacional del Litoral. Instituto de Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales del Litoral. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Santa Fe. Instituto de Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales del Litoral.; Argentina

This paper focuses on a chronology of events presented by the Romanian media, especially newspapers with national coverage and impact like Gândul and Adevărul, between the first week of June to the first week of September 2015, when the issue of having a mosque erected in Bucharest, the capital city of Romania, was intensely debated by intellectuals, politicians, and religious professionals. The debates were intensely heated from the onset of these events and most of them revealed that most of the participants were driven by anti-Muslim attitudes, xenophobia, and assertive nationalism, a complex of feelings that I called "negative ecodomy". The concept of "negative ecodomy" presupposes an attempt to built a safe environment, in this case for Romanians in their own country, but the adjective "negative" was added to the the positive idea of "ecodomy" because these efforts to offer a safe context for Romanians were accompanied by the negativity of anti-Muslim, xenophobic, and nationalistic activities. This array of negative ecodomic attitudes were displayed by Romanians not only in online media but also in the street through protests and other similar actions in a country which has been a member of the European Union for almost a decade and was supposed to adhere to the European Union's basic principles of multiculturalism and the free circulation of persons. The totality of these events show that Romanians are still rather far from accepting the European Union's fundamental philosophy or perhaps these principles themselves should be reconsidered and reinterpreted in the context of the massive Middle Eastern and African immigration and the constant, if not increasing threat of Islamic terrorism. ; This article is part of a two-year postdoctoral research program (2015–2017) at the Faculty of Theology, the Department of Dogmatics and Christian Ethics, University of Pretoria, under the supervision of Johan Buitendag. ; www.mdpi.com/journal/religions ; am2016 ; Dogmatics and Christian Ethics