Suchergebnisse

In 2011 Prof. Dr. Zoya Mladenova published a major monograph on the state and development of neoclassical theory in the world in the twentieth and early twenty-first century. Her second monograph, on the "paradigm shift" (transition) in economic theory in Bulgaria in the years after 1989, has recently been published. The two editions are thematically linked: the first is about the dominant theory in the world, the second - about the transition to it in Bulgaria. In this sense, both in terms of content and in terms of the author's conception (see p. 13 of the first monograph and pp. 3-4 of the second), the two monographs can be seen as a comprehensive study published in two volumes on issues in the history and state of economic theory in Bulgaria and in the world. There is no similar two-volume edition in the Bulgarian literature.

This article widens the scope of the history of Hegel's reception in turn-of-the-century French philosophy by thematizing an often neglected moment, namely the years 1897 to 1927. Before the so-called "Hegel renaissance," in fact, the Hegelian dialectics was generally understood as a "panlogist" doctrine aimed at dissolving the concrete individual in the abstract dimension of the concept or in the all-encompassing realm of Absolute Spirit. However, even at the beginning of the century, attempts were made to provide a more positive assessment of Hegelian philosophy. The author reconstructs this panlogist controversy by analyzing the points of view of some prominent philosophers of the time, namely Charles Renouvier, René Berthelot, Émile Boutroux, Émile Meyerson and Léon Brunschvicg. The aim of the article is to provide a deeper understanding of the historical continuities and discontinuities characterizing Hegel's reception in France.

Federalism is created by a state having heterogeneous population with a desire to have provisions for adequate distribution of economic resources within a democratic form of government. The economic interaction is usually guaranteed by the constitutional arrangement of the land. The desire for the creation of a federation may be the economic interaction, interdependence on each other by the Centre and federating units. Proper distribution of powers between the Centre and Federating Units flourish when the residuary powers are vested in the federating units. The 18th Constitutional Amendment made a landmark in the history of Pakistan as it introduced a paradigm shift in the democratic set-up of the country. This shift had long been cherished by most of the mainstream political parties as it gives an opportunity to the ruling parties to complete the tenure of the government.

The article makes a modest attempt in ascertaining the functional aspects of Panchayati Raj Institutions, especially in the aftermath of the 73rd Constitutional Amendment. After a brief review of the history of local self-government in the pre- and post-Independence India, an attempt is made to figure out the present system of the panchayat governance in India. The operational aspects of the three-tier structure of panchayats are brought out along with the impediments that hamper their effective functioning. Feedbacks from across the state of Karnataka have been taken into consideration while suggesting the corrective measures. Mere identification of the functions of panchayats does not imply anything substantial without the effective back-up of financial decentralisation. The dominance of upper castes still hovers over and is a threat to the inclusive participation of deprived sections of the society.

Federalism is created by a state having heterogeneous population with a desire to have provisions for adequate distribution of economic resources within a democratic form of government. The economic interaction is usually guaranteed by the constitutional arrangement of the land. The desire for the creation of a federation may be the economic interaction, interdependence on each other by the Centre and federating units. Proper distribution of powers between the Centre and Federating Units flourish when the residuary powers are vested in the federating units. The 18th Constitutional Amendment made a landmark in the history of Pakistan as it introduced a paradigm shift in the democratic set-up of the country. This shift had long been cherished by most of the mainstream political parties as it gives an opportunity to the ruling parties to complete the tenure of the government.

Federalism is created by a state having heterogeneous population with a desire to have provisions for adequate distribution of economic resources within a democratic form of government. The economic interaction is usually guaranteed by the constitutional arrangement of the land. The desire for the creation of a federation may be the economic interaction, interdependence on each other by the Centre and federating units. Proper distribution of powers between the Centre and Federating Units flourish when the residuary powers are vested in the federating units. The 18th Constitutional Amendment made a landmark in the history of Pakistan as it introduced a paradigm shift in the democratic set-up of the country. This shift had long been cherished by most of the mainstream political parties as it gives an opportunity to the ruling parties to complete the tenure of the government.

After providing a quick summary of the long history of the French radical right, from the reaction to the revolution of 1789 to the creation of the Front National in 1972, this chapter focuses on the changes brought about by Marine Le Pen since she took over her father's party in 2011. Her "de-demonization" strategy has indeed improved the image of the movement and attracted new voters. But the nativist anti-immigrant message is the same as Jean-Marie Le Pen's. And the Front National still suffers from political isolation; while it has sometimes won the first round of elections, it has yet to achieve a majority in the second round. After its semi-defeat in the 2017 elections, the very opportunity of the de-demonization strategy is being questioned inside the party.

After providing a quick summary of the long history of the French radical right, from the reaction to the revolution of 1789 to the creation of the Front National in 1972, this chapter focuses on the changes brought about by Marine Le Pen since she took over her father's party in 2011. Her "de-demonization" strategy has indeed improved the image of the movement and attracted new voters. But the nativist anti-immigrant message is the same as Jean-Marie Le Pen's. And the Front National still suffers from political isolation; while it has sometimes won the first round of elections, it has yet to achieve a majority in the second round. After its semi-defeat in the 2017 elections, the very opportunity of the de-demonization strategy is being questioned inside the party.

In this text, I re-elaborate the narratives and oral speech of some of the social subjects (Guyanese Negroes, Macushi Indigenous and Wapishana, regional Brazilians) about the Rupununi Uprising. The narratives and oral speech of the interviewees on the subject are partially constituted by the fieldwork that originated the Ethnography built as a doctorate thesis in the frontier Brazil-Guyana. The intention is to contextualize, by means of these narratives, the realms of memory that make up the political landscape of the 60s in these two countries, since the political event called Rupununi Uprising, characterized as one of the most polemic period in Guyana's history. In Brazil, milestones of this decade were the military dictatorship and the leftist movements.In Guyana it is a moment of the process of independence and of secession fights.

The purpose of this paper is to use the analysis and recommendations of The Economic Consequences of the Peace in order to illustrate how Keynes's approach could be used for an inquiry into the nature of the current euro crisis. The euro crisis should not be separated from the crisis of the European Union itself, since it is almost impossible to assume that the effects of the demise of the euro area would not a be a direct cause of the unraveling of the European Union, the most vast, complex, and tenacious effort of economic and political integration in modern history. Certainly, the conclusions and remedies proposed by Keynes should not be overlooked and it is possible to draw some broad conclusions on how his approach would affect the considerations regarding possible remedies for the current crisis.

The purpose of this paper is to use the analysis and recommendations of The
Economic Consequences of the Peace in order to illustrate how Keynes?s
approach could be used for an inquiry into the nature of the current euro
crisis. The euro crisis should not be separated from the crisis of the
European Union itself, since it is almost impossible to assume that the
effects of the demise of the euro area would not a be a direct cause of the
unraveling of the European Union, the most vast, complex, and tenacious
effort of economic and political integration in modern history. Certainly,
the conclusions and remedies proposed by Keynes should not be overlooked and
it is possible to draw some broad conclusions on how his approach would
affect the considerations regarding possible remedies for the current crisis.

International audience ; This seminar will focus on the texts written by Brazilian bacteriologist Osvaldo Cruz about his travels in the Amazon in the early twentieth century. Brazilian government sponsored several scientific trips to the country's interior at the time, with the main interest to incorporate these areas into the larger national project. This had begun during the Brazilian Empire and continued when Brazil became a republic in 1889. Langfeldt's presentation will start with a short biography of Osvaldo Cruz and an overview of the missions he conducted in the Amazon. Thereafter she will focus on reading the official reports Cruz contributed to write, comparing them with the texts produced by the Brazilian writer Euclides da Cunha, who was in the Amazon at the same period and wrote the classical book about the region, The Amazon: Land without History (1909).

International audience ; This seminar will focus on the texts written by Brazilian bacteriologist Osvaldo Cruz about his travels in the Amazon in the early twentieth century. Brazilian government sponsored several scientific trips to the country's interior at the time, with the main interest to incorporate these areas into the larger national project. This had begun during the Brazilian Empire and continued when Brazil became a republic in 1889. Langfeldt's presentation will start with a short biography of Osvaldo Cruz and an overview of the missions he conducted in the Amazon. Thereafter she will focus on reading the official reports Cruz contributed to write, comparing them with the texts produced by the Brazilian writer Euclides da Cunha, who was in the Amazon at the same period and wrote the classical book about the region, The Amazon: Land without History (1909).

This study entitled " Ulama and Ulee Balang: Portrait of a social revolution in Aceh in 1945-1946". In this study the authors used historical method. The historical method is the process of critically examine and analyze the records and relics of the past to find the fact that strong. The purpose of this research is to investigate the activities of the Acehnese struggle in defense of the proclamation of independence, and to determine the background Cumbok Incidence marked so that it becomes a social revolution in Aceh. With the re- establishment of unity between the Ulee Balang and the Ulama in Aceh, can expel the occupation and can occupy positions in government. This is a new milestone in the history of the founding of the Republic of Indonesia, apart from any occupation or any form of bond arising from foreign colonialism in Indonesia.

The African Methodist Episcopal (AME) Church, a black Church founded in the United States in 1816, was first established in eastern Haiti when over 6,000 black freemen emigrated from the United States to Hispaniola between 1824 and 1825. Almost a century later, the AME Church grew rapidly in the Dominican Republic as West Indians migrated to the Dominican southeast to work on sugar plantations. This article examines the links between African-American immigrant descendants, West Indians, and U.S.-based AME leaders between the years 1899–1916. In focusing on Afro-diasporic exchange in the Church and the hardships missionary leaders faced on the island, the article reveals the unequal power relations in the AME Church, demonstrates the significance of the southeast to Dominican AME history, and brings the Dominican Republic into larger discussions of Afro-diasporic exchange in the circum-Caribbean.