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The scope of climate change research has grown immensely over the last decade. Beyond the extensive efforts to map and understand how the various components of the climate system interact and respond to human forcing, academics from a range of fields are today deeply involved in the social and political struggle to develop effective and legitimate climate change policies. While initially focused on the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Kyoto Protocol, we have in recent years seen a growing academic interestin local, national, regional and trans-national climate change mitigation and adaptation efforts.In a time when decision makers have linked such efforts to other policy areas such as energy security, finance, land use, and social development, new academic fields have also become involved in the study of climate change. Hence, climate change research is increasingly conducted at the interface between the natural and social sciences, engineering and the humanities. This development spurs self-reflection in the research community. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), with the mandate to assess the latest research for decision-makers, is currently working and deliberating on how to design the nextround of assessment in the light of a widen agenda of climate change policy. It is at this dynamic interface that we find the expanding field of climate science and policy research. Climate science and policy research is by no means a stable academic field. Rather, it is byvirtue a broad, diverse and hybrid enquiry that includes a range of epistemological, theoretical and methodological orientations. While much of the research under this umbrella has developed in parallel to (and often in direct response to) climate change policy, the field also includes a wide set of scholarly efforts to challenge and problematise the ideas and discourses underpinning such policies. This scholarly diversity may question climate science and policyresearch as a meaningful academic label. And indeed, as indicated by the various contributions to this report, the interpretations of what this field is all about vary considerably. However, despite this variety, we argue that the different academic contributions to this field converge around the quest to interpret, understand, problematise and, at times, solve the challenges facing society under a changing climate. Some of this scholarly work has, directly or indirectly, sought to inform climate change policy. In other cases climate change has emerged as a vantage point for advancing the academic understanding of how links between nature and society, science and policy, development and environment, North and South are constituted and sustained. In this report we draw attention to a set of conceptual and methodological challenges that wethink arise from this broad scholarly enquiry. In the first chapter, Simonsson examines the importance of scale in climate change research. In order to effectively inform policy, she suggests that the academic study of climate change needs to adjust to the geographies ofclimate change policy-making. However, since science may not be able to deliver climate information at the spatial resolution asked by decision-makers, Simonsson also calls for greater scholarly awareness of the scalar challenges in climate science for policy. In the second chapter, Ostwald and Kuchler trace the conceptual genealogy of climate science and policy research. Starting in the historic development of the climate sciences, they end up in amuch more complex and inter-disciplinary research landscape. Ostwald and Kuchler ask how researchers in the field of climate science and policy research can relate to this complexity. In the third chapter, Glaas, Friman, Wilks and Hjerpe situate climate science and policy research in the scholarly debate on Mode 1 and Mode 2 science. Following a long-standing debate on the role of science in climate policy making, they ask whether this field of enquirygains its legitimacy from autonomous basic research produced in sites distinctly demarcatedfrom the world of policy (Mode 1), or from knowledge produced in the context of application (Mode 2). While it may be challenging for scholars of climate science and policy to engage inboth modes of knowledge production at the same time, the authors point at examples where the distinction between Mode 1 and Mode 2 breaks down into a new research domain whichthey label as Mode 1.5. A similar discussion is raised by Hansson and Wibeck in chapter four.While climate science and policy research can be interpreted as an academic field in its own right, its close links to action can also result in a difficult balancing act for researchers. Drawing upon examples from public acceptance studies, Hansson and Wibeck highlight problems that arise when climate researchers advance a normative agenda and hereby influence the people they study. Finally, in chapter five, Jonsson, Lövbrand and Andersson offer examples of research produced in direct collaboration with affected stakeholders. While such participatory research. often is said to increase the legitimacy and problem-solving capacity of climate science and policy research, the authors discuss how and when thatpromise holds true. The conceptual and methodological challenges discussed in this report are the result of a seminar series held at the Centre for Climate Science and Policy Research (CSPR) at Linköping University from autumn 2007 to spring 2008. As such the chapters reflect an ongoing debate and internal self-reflection at a centre that still is young and under development. Since its establishment in 2004, the CSPR has grown steadily and today functions as an interdisciplinary platform for more than 20 senior and junior researchers active in the field of climate science and policy research. In this report we do not set out to give a comprehensive picture of the challenges facing researchers at the CSPR, nor scholars inthe broader field of climate science and policy research. Neither is it a statement of whatCSPR is, but rather a bouquet of thoughts around our own research. By sharing our reflections with a broader scholarship, we do, however, hope that this report will contribute to theongoing debate on the scope, direction and function of this expanding and dynamic academic field.

Energy dependence of the economic growth process on the one hand and the fast depletion of fossil fuel reserves on the other have aroused concerns for energy security across the world. In the context of developing nations, such concerns have gained prominence on at least two counts: first, these nations are at the lower levels of economic development and, thereby, have the pressing need for growth; second, they have limited affordability to finance their energy imports in the face of rapid surge in the prices of fossil fuels. But, how significant are these concerns among South Asian countries? This study provides insights in this respect with a comparative assessment of South Asia's energy supply situation and energy policy framework vis-à-vis that in South-east Asia. In its endeavour, it focuses on the major economies of India, Pakistan and Bangladesh from the former region and Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand from the latter, for focused analytical inquiry into energy supply situation and energy policy framework. The emerging insights indicate that the initiatives made by selected South Asian countries have remained relatively weaker than those made by their counterparts in South-east Asian region. Moreover, this comparative analysis leaves many lessons for South Asian countries to emulate in their voyage towards securing energy supply.

Se defiende la tesis de que el terrorismo yihadista, cuyo fin es la ordenación política de la sociedad sobre una interpretación fundamentalista del Islam, es una seria amenaza para España. Analizada y enfrentada como cualquier otra amenaza, ante ella no cabe sino defenderse. En ese análisis se parte de los conceptos, hoy en día estrechamente relacionados, de Seguridad y Defensa, se considera también el de política de Defensa y, tras describir la política de Defensa de España ante esa grave amenaza, se justifica la imperiosa necesidad de lograr el apoyo ciudadano para que cale en la sociedad su vital necesidad, la importancia de que esas políticas de Defensa, que protegen a la sociedad y sus intereses, requieren el esfuerzo adicional que implica el mantenerlas y sostenerlas adecuadamente. ; The thesis defended is that Jihadist terrorism, whose final purpose is the political planning of society based upon a fundamentalist interpretation of Islam, constitutes a serious threat to Spain. Examined and addressed as any other threat, before it the only possible response is fighting back. In that analysis, the concepts of Security and Defense, today closely linked, are taken as starting points. The concept of Defense policy is also covered, and, after describing the Spanish Defense policy to face that threat, the imperative need to attain community and citizens support is justified, so that its vital necessity permeates on society, as well as the importance that those Defense policies, which serve to protect the society and its interests, require every additional effort to be sustained and maintained properly. ; Seguridad, Defensa, Política de Defensa, Terrorismo yihadista

Since its inception, the Communications Workers of America has played an important role in lobbying on telecommunication policies. Its positions, however, have typically put short-term goals of job creation ahead of a long-term vision for democratic communication. Since the AT&T divestiture brought an end to Fordism in the telecom industry, the CWA often has been in the conflicted position of seeking job security for members in a hostile political environment while attempting to develop a just communication system in the United States. Typically, the union has chosen the former over the latter at the ultimate expense of both. This article traces the history of the CWA's lobbying efforts from the 1984 divestiture through the wave of media consolidation in the late 1990s. Trends of technological and structural convergence mandate that CWA revise its lobbying strategies in order to further a vision of democratic communication that will benefit working people.

The European Union and the United States of America perceive differently China's political & economic burgeoning. For the EU China's economic growth is a welcome development as it implies boosting the "strategic partnership," while the US thinks of it not only in the term of rivalry but also as a threat because of China's growing political & military power. Unlike the US, which focuses on the security aspect of foreign policy, the European security policy is still nascent & the Union usually does not perceive the states outside its borders as dangerous. The author argues that the complexity of the EU policies towards China means that there is yet no EU polity so the interests of various member-countries clash with the interests of the Union on the whole. The author concludes that the US will remain apprehensive regarding the potentials of China as the second superpower that might jeopardize US hegemony, while for the EU the latent political-security threat is much less important than the economic benefits. References. Adapted from the source document.

Many international treaties regulate a variety of policy fields deeply influencing state's policy options. Moreover, multilateral treaties establishing international organizations and regimes often include provisions how to settle disputes over norm interpretation and treaty application. International dispute settlement mechanisms increasingly install judicial procedures in place of more traditional, diplomatic means. The resulting proliferation of international courts and tribunals has sparked a lively debate about an (emerging) international rule of law. International rule of law would significantly alter the structure of international relations, as law would become an important ordering principle of world politics. However, it is not yet clear whether or how these developments affect actual state behavior. From our point of view, it is entirely an empirical question what effect – and to what extent –judicialized dispute settlement have on states. Presenting results from a comprehensive research project this paper systematically investigates the behavior of OECD member countries in international disputes. We analyze state behavior in over 100 individual disputes in three issue areas of international relations (trade, security and environmental protection) and across time (1970s/1980s compared to the 1990s). Our data demonstrates as a general trend that OECD countries do in fact increasingly use and accept internationally agreed dispute settlement procedures. Nevertheless, important differences across issue areas prevail. While in international trade most disputes are indeed dealt with under the Word Trade Organization's dispute settlement procedure, in the field of international security many disputes are dealt with outside the relevant procedure of the United Nations Security Council. With regard to environmental protection, the use of the CITES (Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species) dispute settlement mechanism falls in between. We observe an overall trend towards judicialization of state behavior, but to different degrees in the different issue areas. ; Viele Sachbereiche der internationalen Politik werden durch internationale Verträge reguliert. Oftmals sind Verfahren zur Beilegung von Streitigkeiten über die Interpretation und Anwendung der Regelungen Bestandteil solcher Verträge. Zunehmend verdrängen dabei juridifizierte Verfahren traditionelle diplomatische Aushandlungsprozesse zur Streitbeilegung. Die Verbreitung solcher quasi-gerichtlichen Streitbeilegungsverfahren führte zu einer Debatte über eine (entstehende) internationale Rechtsherrschaft. In dieser Debatte bleibt aber unklar, welche Auswirkungen die formalen Verfahren auf das tatsächliche Verhalten von Staaten zeigen. Diese rein empirische Frage untersuchen wir durch eine Analyse des Verhaltens von OECD-Staaten in internationalen Streitfällen. Das Papier stellt die Ergebnisse von ca. 100 Streitigkeiten aus drei Sachbereichen internationaler Politik (Welthandel, Sicherheit, Umweltschutz) im Vergleich über Zeit (1970er/80er Jahre mit den 1990er Jahren) vor. Unsere Forschung zeigt, dass OECD-Staaten vermehrt internationale Streitbeilegungsverfahren nutzen und akzeptieren. Allerdings bestehen erhebliche Unterschiede zwischen den einzelnen Politikfeldern. Während sich für den Welthandel in der Tat ein klarer Verrechtlichungsschub feststellen lässt, ist die internationale Sicherheitspolitik nach wie vor weit davon entfernt. Der Bereich Umweltschutz liegt zwischen diesen Polen. Wir stellen einen Trend in Richtung judizialisierten Staatenverhaltens fest, der aber stark von dem jeweiligen Politikbereich abhängt.

This study assesses the attitudes and opinions of Irish people towards the use of nuclear power, and specifically examines the concept that Ireland should use nuclear power to generate electricity in the future. Currently, Ireland has a prohibition on nuclear power, with little debate or discussion on same, and with scant amounts of information published on the subject as it relates to Ireland. Conversely, from an international perspective, there is a significant volume of literature available covering all aspects of nuclear power, generated from over 50 years of nuclear power operations. Nuclear power technology is perceived as being a relatively cheap source of electricity, with some positive environmental credentials. The evidence from this study, however, highlights that the public's attitudes are predominantly influenced by safety concerns and issues surrounding nuclear waste management. This research study has found that Irish people do not support nuclear power at present, but may consider supporting nuclear power under certain circumstances and conditions in the future. This current investigation reveals that if nuclear power could be proven to provide lower electricity costs, lower carbon dioxide emissions and enhanced security of supply, attitudes and opinions could change towards nuclear power to the point that it could become favoured. This research has identified key findings that point to a desire that relevant information on nuclear power be made available in Ireland, and also for the instigation of a national debate on the use of this technology for electricity generation in the future.

Since 2017, relations between the Visegrád Group (V4) and Israel have been changing. Hungary, Poland, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia are increasingly developing shared views and values on international politics and show a greater willingness to cooperate economically. This coincides with growing European Union (EU) criticism of the Isra­eli government's stance on the Arab-Israeli conflict. However, the V4 states' leaders do not necessarily share that criticism, and they have even aligned themselves with Israeli viewpoints on issues such as migration, security, and threat perceptions, all of which are disputed in the EU. The EU needs to be aware that this positioning of the V4 states might lead to a growing internal divergence concerning its Israel policy. This would especially hold true if it were to increase pressure on Israel, as some EU members envisage. (author's abstract)

Previous studies on securitization in China have shown how security discourses can have various domestic political functions, how even security issues can be contested, and how China engages with the securitization moves of neighbouring states. Despite this growing literature, there is however no general view of desecuritization as a part of Chinese foreign policy towards the major powers. To fill this gap, the present article examines desecuritization in the foreign policy of post-Mao China. This discussion begins with the desecuritization of the Cold War, and then views how China has sought to prevent the securitization of China's rise in the US. This discussion contributes to the study of Chinese foreign policy maxims by providing it with insights seen through the lens of desecuritization.

'In der zweiten Augustwoche 2008 entwickelte sich ein lokaler Konflikt in Südossetien unversehens zu einem Brandherd internationalen Maßstabs. Die Entscheidung der russischen Führung, den georgischen Angriff auf Südossetien mit einem massiven Truppeneinsatz zu beantworten und Georgiens missliebige Führung 'zu bestrafen', löste eine internationale Krise aus. In den hier versammelten Kurzanalysen fragen die Autoren danach, wie die Kaukasus-Krise in den wichtigsten betroffenen Staaten und den internationalen Organisationen wahrgenommen wird, und welche Handlungsoptionen sich daraus ergeben. Dabei stehen drei Themen im Vordergrund - neben dem unmittelbaren Konfliktmanagement geht es um eine stabile europäische Friedensordnung auch über die Grenzen der EU hinaus, es geht um eine stärkere politische Integration der EU selbst und um die Bestimmung der Rolle der Nato in einem erweiterten Europa.' (Autorenreferat). Inhaltsverzeichnis: Problemstellung und Empfehlungen (5-6); Hans-Henning Schröder: Ein kurzer, siegreicher Krieg ... Russische Sichtweisen der Kaukasus-Krise (7-11); Uwe Halbach: Die regionale Dimension: Georgien und der Südkaukasus nach dem Krieg (12-15); Andrea Schmitz: Der Kaukasus-Konflikt und die Zukunft der GUSS (16-19); Rainer Lindner: Ukraine und Russland: die Krim als neuer Konfliktherd im Schwarzmeerraum (20-23); Kai-Olaf Lang: Die alte Angst der neuen Europäer (24-28); Markus Kaim: 'We are all Georgians' - Perzeptionen des russisch-georgischen Krieges in den USA (29-32); Frank Kupferschmidt: Erste Priorität: das Bündnis zusammenhalten (33-36); Annegret Bendiek, Daniela Schwarzer: Die Südkaukasuspolitik der EU unter französischer Ratspräsidentschaft: zwischen Konsultation, Kooperation und Konfrontation (37-42).

'Seit Beginn der zweiten Amtszeit von Präsident George W. Bush im Januar 2005 ist in den Vereinigten Staaten eine 'Wiederentdeckung' der NATO zu beobachten. Diese Wiederannäherung an die transatlantische Allianz ist dabei insofern pragmatisch, als dass ein großer Teil der Vorbehalte, die die Exekutive seit dem Jahr 2001 gegenüber der Organisation geäußert hat, nicht ausgeräumt sind. Vertreter der Regierung Bush und wichtige Stimmen der außenpolitischen Debatte im Kongress bewerten aber nunmehr den aus der Zusammenarbeit in bzw. mit der NATO erwachsenden Nutzen höher als die daraus hervorgehenden Beschränkungen. Zugleich haben sie erkannt, dass die nordatlantische Allianz ein wirksames Instrument sein kann, um die Teile der weltpolitischen Grand Strategy der Vereinigten Staaten zu verwirklichen, die nicht unmittelbar mit Fragen der euro-atlantischen Sicherheit verknüpft sind. Vor diesem Hintergrund untersucht die Studie die wichtigsten Positionen der gegenwärtigen NATO-Debatte in den Vereinigten Staaten und erörtert die Folgen einzelner Optionen für die deutsche Politik. Das Augenmerk liegt dabei auf denjenigen Vorschlägen der Exekutive, des amerikanischen Kongresses und von außenpolitischen Forschungseinrichtungen, die auf die zukünftige Gestaltung der Form wie der Funktionen der NATO zielen. Nicht alle skizzierten Vorschläge werden sich in der offiziellen NATO-Politik der Vereinigten Staaten niederschlagen. Es lassen sich aber Entwicklungslinien der Debatte herausarbeiten, die diejenigen amerikanischen Verhandlungspositionen beeinflussen, auf die die Bundesregierung in der NATO treffen wird.' (Autorenreferat)

Im Jahr 2017 haben sich die Außen- und Verteidigungsministerinnen und -minister fast aller EU-Staaten zu einer Ständigen Strukturierten Zusammenarbeit (PESCO) im Bereich der Verteidigungspolitik der Europäischen Union entschlossen. Die Diskus­sionen, die in Think-Tanks der Mitgliedstaaten über diese Initiative geführt werden, zeigen, dass die Erwar­tungen an eine europäische Verteidigungs­architektur weit auseinander­gehen und ganz unterschiedliche Schwerpunkte gesetzt werden. Dies gilt vor allem für Polen und Frankreich. In Polen wird europäische Verteidigungspolitik in erster Linie als eine Form der kollektiven Landesverteidigung gegenüber Russland verstanden, die sich in den Nato-Rahmen einfügen muss. Für Frankreich hingegen ergeben sich Risiken für die eigene und die europäische Sicher­heit primär aus Rich­tung der südlichen Nachbarschaft. Deswegen legt Paris besonderen Wert auf den Auf­bau von militärischen Interventionskapazitäten. Diese unterschiedlichen Präferenzen der zwei größten und wichtigsten Nachbarstaaten Deutschlands spiegeln sich deut­lich in wissenschaftlichen Analysen und Kommentaren europäischer Think-Tanks zu Fragen der europäischen Rüstungspolitik und der weiteren Integration der europäischen Verteidigungspolitik wider. (Autorenreferat)