Suchergebnisse

THIS ARTICLE FOCUSES ON THE ROLE OF TECHNICALLY-TRAINED ANALYSTS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF PUBLIC POLICY IN SOUTH AMERICA. IN LATIN AMERICA, TECHNICALLY-TRAINED ANALYSTS OR EXPERTS ARE USUALLY REFERRED TO AS TECHNOCRATS - TECNICOS - AND THAT IS THE DESIGNATION THAT WILL BE USED THE ARTICLE IS ORGANIZED IN THREE SECTIONS. THE FIRST LOOKS HISTORICALLY AT TECHNOCRATS AND POLICY BY EXAMINING THEIR ROLE IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIAL POLICY PARTICULARLY IN BRAZIL. PART TWO WILL SHIFT FOCUS TO A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF MACROECONOMIC POLICY-MAKING IN THE POST WORLD WAR II PERIOD IN A NUMBER OF SOUTH AMERICAN COUNTRIES. BOTH SECTIONS EMPHASIZE THE CHANGING STRUCTURAL CONTEXT WITHIN WHICH TECHNOCRATS OPERATED WITH EMPHASIS ON THE TYPES OF STATECRAFT FOSTERED BY DIFFERENT REGIMES. IN A BRIEF CONCLUDING SECTION, THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN TECHNOCRATIC POLICY STYLES AND THE INSTITUTIONAL CONTEXT OF POLICY-MAKING WILL BE EXAMINED.

A comparative-historical analysis, focusing on economic & social-structural variables operating in combination with political-institutional variables, reveals that the achievement of a balance between pressures from subordinate classes & threat perception on the part of economic elites was crucial for the installation & consolidation of full or restricted democratic regimes in South America. In agricultural export economies, clientelistic parties emerged, based on sectors of the middle classes & economic elites & presenting only a moderate threat; in mineral export economies, radical mass parties emerged, forging alliances between sectors of the middle & working classes & posing a high threat to elite interests. Where labor-intensive agriculture was dominant, the opening of the political system was delayed because of landlord opposition & extended at best to restricted democracy; where the dominant agricultural export sector was ranching & was accompanied by subsidiary industrialization, the early installation of full democracy was possible. Strong pressures for democratization in mineral export economies resulted in initial periods of instability. Industrialization reinforced pressures from below for democratization, except where the political articulation of newly emerging groups was shaped by the state. Democracy could only be consolidated where the party system afforded effective protection of elite interests. 4 Tables, 2 Figures. AA

Es hora urgente de tratar ampliamente las relaciones entre la Republica Federal de Alemania y America Latina, ya que las mismas corren el peligro de languidecer por la falta de perspectivas concretas y constructivas. Se reproduce el texto revisado de una ponencia al seminario internacional organizado por CIEDLA y el Consejo Argentino para las Relaciones Internacionales en Buenos Aires, del 23 al 25 de noviembre de 1983

Notes that revolution is put forward as a simultaneous liberation from both imperialism and the local oligarchic bourgeoisie. Argues that the richest and most developed thinking on liberation comes from Latin America, and highlights some of the current themes. (PAS)

Discusses James Dunkerley's major new work on Central America, 'Power in the Isthmus'. (Abstract amended)

Este articulo tiene el caracter de un analisis global de la situacion economica y politica de America Latina sobre la base de observaciones de tendencias de largo plazo. A la identificacion de un catalogo de desafios actuales al proceso de desarrollo le sigue una serie de recomendaciones que tienen por objeto maximizar los esfuerzos de bienestar y democracia: una estrategia integrativa de desarrollo, el incremento de la cooperacion y un cambio en la insercion internacional de la region como condicionantes de un proyecto politico para America Latina

IT IS LATIN AMERICA THAT PERHAPS REVEALS THE GREATEST THEORETICAL INNOVATIONS IN MOSCOW'S NEW THINKING. THE SOVIETS HAVE CEASED TO VIEW LATIN AMERICA AS ONE UNDIFFERENTIATED MASS FIRMLY IN THE ORBIT OF THE USA. GORBACHEV SEES LATIN AMERICA AS A COMPLEX HEMISPHERE WITH STATES AT DIFFERENT STAGES OF DEVELOPMENT. UNLIKE HIS PREDECESSORS, HE HAS DEVISED TWO DISTINCT POLICIES: ONE AIMED MAINLY AT MEXICO AND THE LARGER STATES OF SOUTH AMERICA AND THE OTHER AT CENTRAL AMERICA.

Adapted from his book, "Partners in conflict: the United States and Latin America." Implications of socioeconomic problems for U.S. policies. Also includes discussion of Mexico.

Extent to which Marxist thought on the transition to socialism is relevant to the contemporary reality of Latin America.

La perspectiva que aqui se presenta para la investigacion del empleo urbano en America Latina se centra en las politicas adoptadas, teniendo en cuenta tanto las condiciones institucionales de su implementacion como los efectos que causaron en el desenvolvimiento economico y en los niveles agregados del empleo. De esta forma se examinan en tres bloques el decenio de los setenta, de los ochenta y el debate actual. Paradojicamente, el mayor compromiso de los programas de reajuste estructural con la llamada "deuda social historica" ha causado problemas especificos de empleo, en especial en el sector informal

A detailed reexamination of the primary sources reveals that Herbert Gutman, in his well-known essay "The Negro and the United Mine Workers of America, the Career and Letters of Richard L. Davis and Something of Their Meaning: 1890-1900" (Jacobson, J. [Ed], The Negro and the American Labor Movement, Garden City: Anchor Books, 1968), so selectively presented the evidence as to produce a distorted history. Using Gutman's main source, The United Mine Workers Journal, together with additional documentation, it is demonstrated that Gutman wrote an inaccurate account & omitted much relevant material because of his ideological commitment. Gutman's essay has influenced a new generation of labor historians whose work is deeply flawed by their failure to recognize the central place that racism occupies in labor history. The new labor history promotes a mythology of working class unity as a consequence of current ideological assumptions that determine the analysis of the past. The race consciousness that has been decisive in the collective action of the US white working class is documented, & the early history of the United Mine Workers is used to show that race consciousness in fact prevailed over working class solidarity. Evidence is presented indicating that the belief in white supremacy was expressed in organized labor's active role in the anti-Asian movement as well as in systematic discriminatory practices against black workers. It is concluded that "for organized labor, (white) race consciousness & the advancement of white workers were so intertwined as to be indistinguishable." Organized labor remained committed to the system of white racial domination well into the twentieth century, at the cost of building a strong unified labor movement. AA

Between 1700 and 1950, a number of publications have indicated the changes that have occurred in the composition and real meaning of ethnic classification in Central America. The inference has been, most frequently, that such changes denote progress toward equality of opportunity for everyone irrespective of ethnic classification. Argues that this is only a small part of a complex process. Suggests that the 'compartmentalization' reflected in ethnic classification retains its original purpose. (AM)