Suchergebnisse

AIP3 (Integrating Application for Production Planning and Scheduling) is a project funded by the Valencian Institute for Business Competitiveness (IVACE) and the European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (FEDER). The goal of the present project is the development of a set of functionalities to achieve an advanced and more integrated management of the production planning and scheduling, with the objective that companies, more specifically SMEs, could integrate these processes easily in their supply chain. The provided functionalities enable dealing with the great complexity of the productive processes and the huge amount of data to be collected, as well as overcoming the difficulty of integrating with existing systems. This deliverable is part of the PT3 work package "Dissemination", which aims to disseminate the scientific and technical results of the project, once the dissemination strategy has been defined at the beginning of the project, the results of the different dissemination activities carried out continuously have been evaluated. out and adapting the plan according to the results of it. ; AIP3. Project funded by the Valencian Institute of Business Competitiveness (IVACE) and European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF), within the public grant program adressed to Technological Institutes of the Valencian Community for the development of non-economic R & D projects carried out in cooperation with companies during 2017 with 195.524,28€. File number: IMDEEA/2017/88

HELPSALUD (Research in Machine Learning techniques applied to real problems in the Health sector) is a project funded by the Valencian Institute for Business Competitiveness (IVACE) and the European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (FEDER). The general objective of the project is to advance in the digitization of the health sector through the application of Artificial Intelligence techniques, such as Machine Learning and Pattern Recognition, to the early diagnosis of breast cancer, the non-invasive detection of endometriosis and the prediction of the effects of leukaemia treatment for personalized treatment. With the application of these techniques and the combination of different sources of information, software solutions will be developed to help the clinical staff in the decision-making process, allowing cost savings and improvement of the health service. This document is a report, within the scope of the transfer and promotion of results, that compiles technology newsletters generated in the context of the project that allow the research team involved to be informed about the latest developments that may affect the results of the research. ; HELPSALUD. Project funded by the Valencian Institute of Business Competitiveness (IVACE) and European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF), within the public grant program adressed to Technological Institutes of the Valencian Community for the development of non-economic R&D projects carried out in cooperation with companies during 2017 with 105.644,64€. File number: IMDEEA/2017/97

In line with the European Council Conclusions of 17 June 2010, in which the Europe 2020 Strategy for smart, sustainable and inclusive growth was adopted, the European Union and the Member States are committed ever since to do what is necessary to achieve economic growth in the terms that were explained there. To this end, in the current 2014-2020 programming period, the European Structural and Investment Funds (EIE) have been designed so that the Member States have to focus their investment priorities in line with the 5 long-term European objectives set the aforementioned Strategy: research and innovation; climate change and energy; the job; The education; and poverty reduction. ; En consonancia con las Conclusiones del Consejo Europeo del 17 de junio de 2010, en las que se adoptó la Estrategia Europa 2020 para un crecimiento inteligente, sostenible e integrador , la Unión Europea y los Estados miembros están comprometidos desde entonces a hacer lo necesario para conseguir un crecimiento económico en los términos que allí quedaron explicitados. A tales efectos, en el actual período de programación 2014-2020 los Fondos Estructurales y de Inversión Europeos (EIE) se han diseñado para que los Estados miembros tengan que centrar sus prioridades de inversión en línea con los 5 objetivos europeos que a largo plazo fija la citada Estrategia: la investigación y la innovación; el cambio climático y la energía; el empleo; la educación; y la reducción de la pobreza.

Occupational health and safety Law is a field of Law where the stagnation of European Social Law is most being felt. The European Union Strategic Framework on Health and Safety at Work 2014-2020 was approved in june 2014, and the fear of a throwback that dominated the legal doctrine was confirmed, as the paradigm of the adaptation of the work to the worker seems to be changing into the worker's adaptation to the work. Moreover, new challenges are presented to the field of Occupational Health and Safety, due to emerging risk factors that create new occupational risks, such as psychosocial risks, nanomaterial risks, aalcohol and drug dependence, among others. In the meanwhile, the European Union is challenged to present instruments that guide the Members States in these issues and that offer concrete solutions to the problems that arise in each Member State. The answer might be global, as the broader concept of health adopted by the World Health Organization seems to be most suitable to solve the worker's problems, as well as the International Labor Organization's Conventions. But is it possible to transcend the European legal boarders and seek for answers in those international organizations? In any case, is it preferable, in this matter, to have a legislative or hard law model, or, on the contrary, a self-regulation or soft law model? ; info:eu-repo/semantics/draft

Writing the Rules for Europe. Experts, Cartels, International organizations ist das fünfte von sechs Büchern aus der Reihe Making Europe: Technology and Transformations, 1850-2000. Als solches bietet es den Lesern eine neue Perspektive auf ihr Europaverständnis und fordert viele etablierte Wahrheiten in der zeitgenössischen westlichen Geschichtsschreibung heraus. Das Buch von Johan Schot und Wolfram Kaiser wechselt den Blickpunkt von der Politik- zur Technikgeschichte. Es richtet unsere Aufmerksamkeit von den Politikern und Diplomaten zu den internationalen Expert_innen, Ingenieur_innen, Spezialist_innen, Geschäftsleuten, Lobbyist_innen und Innovator_innen um. Ohne sie in Betracht zu ziehen, so die Autoren, wird unser Verständnis der europäischen Integration, der europäischen Organisationen und sogar der Europäischen Union selbst zutiefst begrenzt sein. Writing the Rules for Europe. Experts, Cartels, International organizations ist ein Leitfaden für die langfristigen Prozesse, die die europäische Gegenwart und Zukunft weiterhin gestalten. ; Writing the Rules for Europe. Experts, Cartels, International organizations is the fifth out of six books from the series Making Europe: Technology and Transformations, 1850-2000. As such, it offers to the readers a new perspective on our understanding of Europe and challenges many well-established truths in contemporary Western historiography. The work of Johan Schot and Wolfram Kaiser switches the focus from political to technological history. It redirects our attention from the politicians and diplomats to the international experts, engineers, specialists, businessmen, lobbyists, and innovators. Failing to take them into consideration, as the authors argue, risks profoundly limiting our understanding of European integration, European organizations, and even the European Union itself. Writing the Rules for Europe. Experts, Cartels, International organizations is a guide to the long-term processes which continue to shape the European presence and its future.

The cationic half-sandwich aqua-complexes [(η-CMe)M(PP∗)(HO)][SbF] [M = Rh, Ir; PP∗ = (R)-Benphos, (R)-Cyphos, (2R,4R)-Norphos] catalyse the 1,3-dipolar cycloaddition reaction of nitrones with methacrylonitrile with perfect regioselectivity, low-to-perfect endo-selectivity and low-to-moderate enantioselectivity. The active species involved in the catalytic process, [(η-CMe)M(PP∗)(methacrylonitrile)][SbF], have been isolated and characterised as mixtures of the (S)- and (R)-at-metal epimers. NMR measurements of these mixtures indicated that the (R)-isomers epimerise to the corresponding (S) counterparts. The molecular structure of the rhodium complex (S,R)-[(η-CMe)Rh{(R)-Benphos}(methacrylonitrile)][SbF] has been determined by X-ray diffraction methods. Diastereomerically pure (S,R)-[(η-CMe)Rh(PP∗)(methacrylonitrile)][SbF] compounds catalyse stoichiometrically the above mentioned dipolar cycloaddition reaction with up to 90% enantiomeric excess, thus indicating the influence of the metal handedness on the catalytic stereochemical outcome. Catalysts can be recycled up to three times without a significant loss of either activity or selectivity. ; We thank the Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad, Spain and European Social Fund (Grants CTQ2012-32095, CTQ2015-66079-P and CONSOLIDER INGENIO-2010 CSD2006-0015), European Union and Gobierno de Aragón and European Social Fund (Grupo Consolidado: Catalizadores Organometálicos Enantioselectivos), European Union for financial support. A.A. thanks the IUCH for a grant. ; Peer Reviewed

The aim of the study is to analyse the Europeanisation of Slovak political parties in the various stages of the transition and transformation of the political system of Slovakia before and after the entry into the European Union. Methodologically, the paper is based on the concept of Ladrech, who divided five areas of research to suit the study of the impact of the Europeanisation on political parties and their politics. Visible can be changes in political programmes, organisational changes, a formula of party competition, relations between parties and government, relations beyond the national party system (a new look at transnational cooperation between political parties). Our research proved that the Europeanisation has been visible at all stages of development, with varying degrees of intensity and in various forms since the signing of the association agreement with the European Union. Its effect was important already in the stage of the society transition when it helped the return of Slovakia on the path of democratic development. In the two stages of development, Europeanisation created an individual line of cleavage of political parties, affected the rivalry of political parties, and thus a party system model. Unambiguously, it was reflected in political programmes of all parties, and an important role was played by the incorporation of political parties in the European political parties, by their cooperation and coordination of their policies. The election in the European Parliament was an important turning point in completion of programme orientations of political parties.

While conducting research on counter-terrorism (CT) systems of the Central and Eastern European Member States of the European Union, a unique perspective on the European involvement in countering terrorism in Sub-Saharan Africa was offered to the author by a Czech defence ministry official. In his view, the fact that his country made a decision to contribute "boots on the ground" to the European Union Training Mission in Mali (EUTM Mali) was astonishing, to say the least: "Things like Mali, you sometimes wonder how these thing happen, even if you are part of them (Havranek 2013)." Thus a decision to participate in this latest CT motivated (building a Malian military capable of taking on the jihadists of Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, AQIM) EU venture in Africa seems not to have been preceded by a careful analysis and weighting of the options on behalf of his country. In fact, it seemed like a knee jerk reaction to a call for troops from France and subsequently from Brussels. In the end, we might even speculate if, in this very case, the Czech Republic duly settled on a number of troops to be sent to Mali (very low – in dozens) and comfortably ticked off the box on its involvement in yet another Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) military mission in Africa, and its contribution to external aspects of combating terrorism on EU level.

"This chapter will shed some light on the main reasons behind the need for a European Charter of Fundamental Rights, explaining why it was considered necessary to foster the EU's credibility and power on a local as well as a global scale. The Charter is in fact considered to be the most influential instrument to boost the legitimacy of the European Union both in its internal and external dimensions. Such reflection will be important in providing an idea about the Charter's added value on a global scale and the EU's aspirations to be recognized as an emerging supra-national power in world politics and the global order. The EU has made human rights a central aspect of its internal as well as external policy and relations. The debate concerning human rights protection in Europe is directly linked with the debate concerning the EU's ethical-legal and cultural identity. The Charter is being considered equally as an instrument to make rights more visible for the citizens of the Union, while at the same time compensating the democratic deficit existing as a permanent defect of European institutions. The Charter is eventually aiding in the evolutionary process of the Community and its gradual transformation from an economic to a political organization. It should be therefore listed as the most significant part of this process, providing evidence of a European "constitutional moment."" (publisher's description)

At first glance, Germany appears, economically, to be quite unusually successful. Despite the budgetary and financial crises affecting the other nations of the European Union, the German unem-ployment rate is declining. It has a positive export balance, and its own budgetary deficit is shrinking due to increases in national income and tax revenues. Indeed, the other European nations expect a relatively prosperous Germany to take more financial responsibility for the Union as a whole—a view not supported by a German majority. That majority thinks that the German welfare state, with health insurance and retirement pensions and considerable investment in culture and education as well as material infrastructure, is exclusively a national achievement. Having recently spent billions on domes-tic income transfers (from West to East after reunification in 1990), the German citizenry prefers to keep its money in German pockets. Disdain for Eastern and Southern Europeans serves as a solvent, washing away attention to internal differences in income and life chances that might otherwise move to the center of German politics. A truly yellow national popular press, television commentators as clueless as those we know here, and rigid professors of economics insist on austerity as the one true path to economic salvation. Austerity is prescribed not only for other Europeans, but for those Germans so improvident as not to belong to the upper income groups.

The present paper intends to examine the evolution of the European idea in inter-war Romania. On this occasion, I try to have a synthetic presentation of Romanian currents and intellectual evolutions, a history of that idea in inter-war political and intellectual environments. Romanian élites prove to be connected to the evolutions at the European level, offering solutions and professionally commenting the proposals presented. The Romanian conception on the united Europe remarks itself through the great importance given to the political factor - the European states should be united, equal and have the frontiers guaranteed. We have a qualitative evolution that starts with the idea of regional associations culminating with the idea of a united Europe based upon the proposal of Aristide Briand. By the end of the 1930s and mid-40s, the accent is set upon the idea of a European Economic Community, partially based upon the German ideas of World War II.

The rise of identity politics is challenging European constitutionalism that, after the failed effort to create a demos under a Con- stitution, focused on the protection of human rights. When the demands for identity recognition cannot find spaces to be voiced, they may lead to forms of new populism/nationalism. Against such backdrop, how can constitutionalism help to manage this tension?