Suchergebnisse

The article deals with the parliamentary system in Ukraine as a factor state creation from from its historical origins to the present day. The multidimensional structure of the parliament and its influence on the development of democracy and the formation of the institute of public service.The generality of the action of the state and society, legal state and civil society is forming a new quality of public administration, which is based on the culture of parliamentarism as the constant feeling of the state and society to each other, the partners awareness of the importance of dialogue between the authorities and society, all its citizens in the development of mechanisms for such dialogue, achieving positive results of co-creation on the basis of this dialogue.

Following disregard in the 1980s, industrial policy has recently attracted policy attention at EU level. The objective of this study provided by Policy Department A at the request of the ITRE Committee, is to establish the state of the art of a coordinated and integrated EU industrial policy. It assesses current initiatives, policies and arrangements and proposes an overview of stakeholders' positions at EU and national levels in order to feed into the debate on how to improve competitiveness and growth in Europe.

En los últimos veinte años, las sociedades de España e Italia han experimentado un cambio demográfico muy notable debido a flujos migratorios de alta intensidad. Desde principios de la década de 1990, la población extranjera se multiplicó por cinco en ambos países y en 2010 alcanzó el 12 y el 6 por ciento, respectivamente, del conjunto poblacional (INE, 2015; ISTAT, 2015). En ambos casos, dicho fenómeno migratorio plantea nuevos desafíos de representación democrática, dado que, en un periodo muy corto de tiempo, ha generado un gran caudal de nuevos residentes con expectativas legítimas de hacer oír su voz en el proceso de toma de decisiones. Sin embargo, el aumento del número de inmigrantes residentes en España e Italia también coincidió con un período en el que la opinión pública empezó a mostrar mayor preocupación por la inmigración, lo que provocó actitudes negativas cada vez más visibles hacia los colectivos inmigrantes en ambos países. Este artículo analiza en qué medida la presión migratoria y el cambio actitudinal hacia los inmigrantes en España e Italia pueden ayudarnos a comprender mejor las estrategias de los partidos a la hora de facilitar el acceso de este colectivo a cargos electos en los parlamentos nacionales. Haciendo uso de una base de datos única que incluye información sobre el perfil sociodemográfico y político de todos los diputados y diputadas en ambos países desde 1990 hasta la actualidad, nuestro estudio contribuye a avanzar en el conocimiento sobre las dinámicas que favorecen y que dificultan la representación política de los inmigrantes en estos dos países del sur de Europa. ; In the 1990s and the 2000s, Spain and Italy experienced a considerable growth in immigration. In just two decades, the foreign population has multiplied more than fivefold in both countries and by 2010 accounted for 12 and 6 per cent of the total population, respectively (INE, 2015; ISTAT, 2015). This demographic change has put pressure on the democratic representative system of both countries, with large numbers of new residents wishing to have a voice in the direction of collective affairs. Yet, at the same time, public opinion has become increasingly concerned about immigration and immigrants' integration in both countries, with attitudes towards immigrants becoming increasingly negative in both. This article examines how these competing pressures can help us better understand the strategies of political parties in relation to the incorporation of citizens of immigrant origin into elected office in the national parliaments of both countries. Drawing on an original and unique dataset on the socio-demographic characteristics and political profiles of all national MPs elected in Spain and Italy since the beginning of the 1990s, this study aims at examining the dynamics which encourage or hinder the political representation of citizens of immigrant origin in these two Southern European countries. ; En els últims vint anys, les societats d'Espanya i Itàlia han experimentat un canvi demogràfic molt notable a causa de fluxos migratoris d'alta intensitat. Des de principis de la dècada de 1990, la població estrangera es va multiplicar per cinc en tots dos països i el 2010 va assolir el 12 i el 6 per cent, respectivament, del conjunt poblacional (INE, 2015; ISTAT, 2015). En tots dos casos, aquest fenomen migratori planteja nous desafiaments de representació democràtica, atès que, en un període molt curt de temps, ha generat un gran cabal de nous residents amb expectatives legítimes de fer sentir la seva veu en el procés de presa de decisions. No obstant això, l'augment del nombre d'immigrants residents a Espanya i Itàlia també va coincidir amb un període en el qual l'opinió pública va començar a mostrar major preocupació per la immigració, la qual cosa va provocar actituds negatives cada vegada més visibles cap als col·lectius immigrants en ambdós països. Aquest article analitza en quina mesura la pressió migratòria i el canvi actitudinal cap als immigrants a Espanya i Itàlia poden ajudar-nos a comprendre millor les estratègies dels partits a l'hora de facilitar l'accés d'aquest col·lectiu a càrrecs electes als parlaments nacionals. Fent ús d'una base de dades única que inclou informació sobre el perfil sociodemogràfic i polític de tots els diputats i diputades en tots dos països des de 1990 fins a l'actualitat, el nostre estudi contribueix a avançar en el coneixement sobre les dinàmiques que afavoreixen i que dificulten la representació política dels immigrants en aquests dos països del sud d'Europa.

Confidence in political and social institutions is of basic importance for democratic rule. The topic here is the patterns of elite and mass confidence in parliament, police, private business, and the church, in three Baltic States following the collapse of communism. The main finding is that elite's confidence in new institutions is considerably more affirmative than among the mass public, indicating their leading role in the consolidation process. I argue that this finding is more in line with the theory of democratic elitism than liberal democratic theory and underscore the vital role of elites in the process of democratic consolidation. However, gaps and trends over time vary between the countries, which also accentuate the importance of national contexts as explanations.

[2], 62 p. ; In part a reply to: Rogers, John. Diapoliteia. ; Annotation on Thomason copy: "9ber [i.e. November] 7.". ; Reproduction of the original in the British Library.

[6], 36, [1] p. ; Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. ; William Laud was the Archbishop of Canterbury. cf. DNB. ; Published also in 1678 under title: The grand designs of the Papists. ; Includes letters of Ondřej Habervešl z Habernfeldu and Sir William Boswell. ; Part of letter and text in Latin and English. ; Errata: p. [6]

This volume covers the nature and operation of different organs of the constitution. It includes documents dealing with Parliament; the monarchy; the legal system; the Church; the Prime Minister and the Cabinet; the Civil Service; and local government. It presents accounts from insiders who were directly involved in working these institutions; and of the perceptions of outside observers. It identifies documents pertaining to key moments of change in the history of these entities, including alterations in the relations between them. It deals with matters including their legal basis, their internal structures, and the importance of precedent to the way in which they functioned in relation to one-another.

In his last speech as President of the European Parliament, on 16 December 2022, addressed to the heads of state of the European Union and entitled "Europe must show allegiance to its citizens", David Sassoli underlines the importance of thinking about the Europe of the future. Bearing in mind the history and memory of the continent, the roots of the Euroean culture and its long traditions of humanistic and scientific knowledge, he presents three axes of development - innovation, protection and dissemination - for a Europe that must be thought of as a project, dynamic, hopeful, young spirited and faithful to its humanist and democratic basis.

"This volume investigates the history of the representative assemblies of Sweden (the Riksdag), Poland (the sejm) and Hungary (the diaeta) in the final period of the ancien régime. It concentrates on the practices and ideas of parliamentarism and constitutionalism, and examines the ideologies that motivated the members of these parliaments. Attempts at the suppression as well as the restoration of the estates' power in all these three countries are examined, as well as, in the case of Hungary, the establishment of popular representation that eventually replaced the estates. These three early modern representative assemblies have never before been explored systematically in a comparative framework"--

By whatever name they are known (Parliaments, Legislatures, or Assemblies, to name but three) legislative assemblies in democratic societies face the twin challenges of institutional capacity and accountability to their citizens. In addressing these challenges, assemblies vary in the extent to which they serve the respective interests of three critical sets of actors: their members, party leaders, and voters. In this book, Shane Martin and Kaare W. Strøm identify three ideal types of democratic assemblies - the members' assembly, the leaders' assembly, and the voters' assembly - and analyse national legislative assemblies in the world's 68 most populous democracies, from Finland to Papua New Guinea, in light of these models.

A- Z of the European Union. Essays on the European Union. Directory of the European Union Council of the European Union European Council European Commission European External Action Service (EEAS) European Parliament European Court of Auditors European Economic and Social Committee Committee of the Regions European Investment Bank (EIB) European Central Bank (ECB) European Ombudsman The EU's Other Agencies Treaties EU-Level Trade and Professional Associations Statistical Survey of the European Union Population Labour Health and Welfare Agriculture, Forestry and Fishing Energy and Environment Industry Finance Consumer Prices National Accounts Balance of Payments External Trade Transport Communications Tourism Education.

In 1807, Parliament outlawed the slave trade in the British Empire, but for the next quarter of a century, despite heroic and bloody rebellions, more than 700,000 people in the British colonies remained in slavery. And when a renewed abolitionist campaign was mounted, making slave ownership the defining political and moral issue of the day, emancipation was fiercely resisted by the powerful 'West India Interest'. Drawing on major new research, this long-overdue and ground-breaking history shows that the triumph of abolition was also one of the darkest episodes in British history, revealing the lengths to which British leaders went to defend the indefensible in the name of profit

Coalition government is the most frequent form of government in Western Europe, but we have relatively little systematic knowledge about how that form of government has developed in recent decades. This book studies such governments, covering the full life-cycle of coalitions from the formation of party alliances before elections to coalition formation after elections (or in the sitting parliament), portfolio distribution among the coalition parties, governing and policy-making when parties work together in office, and the stages that eventually lead to government termination. A particular emphasis is on the study of how coalitions govern together even when they have different agendas.