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After the end of World War II the victorious allies faced numerous problems and difficulties in post-war Europe. Among others were the millions of war refugees and thousands of ex-servicemen who had served in the German armed forces during the war and had now been taken prisoners of war. Almost a quarter of the people in Germany and Austria, for example, were refugees: even in 1947 the United States still had custody of 47,396 displaced persons in Austria alone, of which 90 percent were deemed 'irrepatriatable' because of the political situation in Eastern Europe.In the eyes of many Europeans, these groups were little more than sources of disease and crime. They were seen as competitors for scarce housing and jobs and as potential recruits for future demagogues who might trigger another European conflict. To enhance the stability of fragile post-war states, it was essential to resolve the status of Europe's stateless populations as quickly as possible.The western allies, however, did not have a clear concept of what to do about the East-European nationals who generally refused to return to their home country. Thus various options were implemented: it was rather common that officials responsible for the screening process acted according to their own standpoints, political beliefs and in some cases also the luck of draw. Especially in the French zone there were cases when refugees were handed over to the Soviet representatives and sent back 'home' by force.

BACKGROUND: Political violence and war are push factors for migration and social determinants of health among migrants. Somali migration to Sweden has increased threefold since 2004, and now comprises refugees with more than 20 years of war experiences. Health is influenced by earlier life experiences with adverse sexual and reproductive health, violence, and mental distress being linked. Adverse pregnancy outcomes are reported among Somali born refugees in high-income countries. The aim of this study was to explore experiences and perceptions on war, violence, and reproductive health before migration among Somali born women in Sweden. METHOD: Qualitative semi-structured individual interviews were conducted with 17 Somali born refugee women of fertile age living in Sweden. Thematic analysis was applied. RESULTS: Before migration, widespread war-related violence in the community had created fear, separation, and interruption in daily life in Somalia, and power based restrictions limited access to reproductive health services. The lack of justice and support for women exposed to non-partner sexual violence or intimate partner violence reinforced the risk of shame, stigmatization, and silence. Social networks, stoicism, and faith constituted survival strategies in the context of war. CONCLUSIONS: Several factors reinforced non-disclosure of violence exposure among the Somali born women before migration. Therefore, violence-related illness might be overlooked in the health care system. Survival strategies shaped by war contain resources for resilience and enhancement of well-being and sexual and reproductive health and rights in receiving countries after migration.

Our main point in this paper is to think about modem politics focusing on exclusion practices. The point of doing so is to reach the limit of its concept, where it becomes more problematic and contradictory. The figures of exclusion are many and they keep proliferating, this paper will focus on the refugee, especially on the legal or illegal immigrant: a refugee from the violence of the market (the new barbarian), as a threat to the world's new orden From the side of the excluded, we will stress the war of the races discourse and use Agamben's main thesis (who is also following Hannah Arendt), which states that the situation of the refugees cracks the very principies of the State-Nation. ; Este trabajo pretende pensar la política moderna desde las prácticas de exclusión. Con ello, esperamos encontrarnos con su límite mismo, allí donde ésta se hace más problemática y contradictoria. Las figuras de la exclusión son numerosas y no cesan de proliferar, nosotros nos centraremos en el Refugiado, y especialmente en el inmigrante legal e ilegal, refugiado de la violencia del mercado –ese nuevo bárbaro– amenaza el nuevo orden mundial. Del lado del excluido actualizamos el discurso de la guerra de las razas, y retomaremos la tesis central de Agamben, que a su vez sigue a Hannah Arendt, la cual reside en mostrar que la situación de los refugiados resquebraja los principios mismos del Estado-nación.

The state of the law regarding refugees in the United States has been characterized in the recent past by inconsistent rulings among the Circuit Courts, and narrow applications of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952, which provides the basis for asylum eligibility. In the midst of this sometimes-contradictory application of the INA, victims of attempted sex trafficking (those who have faced threats or attempts by sex traffickers to force them into sexual slavery) have consistently been rejected for asylum by U.S. courts. Federal courts have uniformly denied these asylum claims by ruling that these victims do not meet the INA's requirement that refugees fall into a particular social group. Therefore, this Comment focuses largely on the argument that U.S. courts have interpreted the "social group" provision in an unduly narrow fashion, and that victims of attempted trafficking do indeed satisfy this element of the INA's test for asylum eligibility. This Comment argues that U.S. courts' rejections of these asylum claims are inconsistent with the legislative intent behind the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952, federal case law that has granted asylum petitions in similar contexts, and the United Nations' and international interpretations of refugee law. Based on these reasons and public policy concerns, U.S. courts should recognize the valid claims of many of these victims of attempted trafficking, and grant them the asylum that they deserve.

There is limited information on the number of forced migrants from Belarus. Key information can be found in the statistical publications of the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Belarusian office of this organization gives the following explanation: "countries are guided by the principle of confidentiality of information submitted by an applicant. Public bodies of the asylum country have no right to transfer or provide any personal information about an application to his/her state of citizenship" (Delovaya Gazeta, 2013). According to UNHCR, the total number of persons from Belarus applying for refugee status, asylum or complementary protection was 6839 in 2011 and 6194 in 2012 (UNHCR, 2012; UNHCR, 2013). European countries (the Netherlands, Sweden, and Switzerland) and the USA were their countries of preference. Some estimates are available at the websites of Eurostat and US National Security Agency. According to the data for 1998-2007, 16255 citizens of Belarus sought asylum in EU member states (Eurostat Statistics). The main recipient countries were Germany, the United Kingdom, Sweden, France, the Czech Republic and Austria. The US National Security Agency also posts data on Belarusian refugees who arrived in the US territory. According to its estimates, there were 2844 of them 2003-2012 (Department of Homeland Security: 2012) ; Consortium for Applied Research on International Migration (CARIM-East) is co-financed by the European University Institute and the European Union

This study elucidates on strength of social capital in civil society with respect to effort to preserve public space for natural disaster refugees in light of the deterioration of the ability of the state to accomplish civil rights obligation. The analysis began with a study on the characteristics of a failed state. The state can be categorized as failed state if it fulfills three characteristics which are: 1) the negligence in fulfilling civil rights obligations; 2) the disposition of aggressive behaviors; and 3) the intensification of democracy deficit. On the basis of the failed state paradigm, this o the study subsequently moved toward to the focal point, which was that was divided into three parts. The first part examined the paradigm of basic essence in the national constitution and legislation on disasters, relating to public welfare. The second parts discussed the phenomenon of Mt. Merapi's eruption including the chronology of event which in part was responsible for the large number of refugees. The third pat elaborated on the best practice, which where adopted by Posko Mandiri Kadiosoka, as a forum that was established to deal with relief and assistance and service originally intended to fulfill basic rights of refugees. The erosion of social capital capacity in the long term, coupled with and decline in the role of the state as the basic rights handling disasters has seriously limited the independence of civil society in Posko Mandiri Kadiosoko.

The present article presents the history and demography of the (Old)Harmankioi, from the end of the 18th century to the 30s. It is a settlementin the western area of Thessaloniki, mentioned in the sources ever since thebeginning of the 17th century. The big Ottoman estate and the homonymoussmall settlement, owing their name to the grain areas, were inhabited byfarmers of the Thessaloniki fields and then the Vlachs of Paikos.In the beginning of the 20th century the Harmankioi was the center ofevolution since it was one of the main places that welcomed the eradicatedGreeks of the East. Thousands of refugees passed through the area, to finally spread all over northern Greece. Along with the indigenous and the Vlachsof the first settlement having St. Athanasios church as a core, they wererefugees from Smyrna and especially Koukloutza – a renowned suburb ofSmyrna – who settled there. The article couldn't lack a short reference to therelation between the indigenous and the refugees as well as their political behaviour. The financial transactions, the elementary school and the commoneveryday problems of the poor agro-cattling settlement were the main factorsof the population homogenization. The (Old) Harmankioi was renamed toNew Koukloutzas in the 30s, according the favourite refugees' tactic to«transfer» the names of their homelands to their new places of residence inGreece. In June 1955 the settlement was named Evosmon, and finally after1960 and up until today Evosmos.

This book explores the issue of environmentally-induced migrations from the point of view of international human rights law, international humanitarian law, international refugee law and international law of statelessness. Last few years have become a period of unprecedented growth in the number of studies devoted to the forced migration caused by climate change. The book by professor Jane McAdam, published by Oxford University Press, differs significantly from previous studies in this area. The focus of the author became a state responsibility for the situation of climate-change induced displaced people with a particular focus on legal aspects of this problem. The basis of the author`s considerations are four particular areas of public international law: international human rights law, international humanitarian law, international refugee law and international law of statelessness. The issue of climate change-induced displacement is now becoming a growing challenge for public international law. The growing number of climate change migrants becomes a challenge for the international istitutions dealing with humanitarian assistance. Sea level rise become a factor of specific legal problems, such as climatic deterritorialization of the state, state succession on the new territory, the status of people forced to leave their country submerged under the waters of ocean (forced migrants?, refugees?, stateless people?, citizens of the former country continuing its status within a new territory?).

Euro-Mediterranean Consortium for Applied Research on International Migration (CARIM) ; This paper shows that the different migration policies reflect the national concern with alleviating the burden the increasing population imposes on national resources. On the one hand, Egyptian laws favor temporary labor migration as a labor distress mechanism and seek to create new opportunities via bilateral agreements. On the other hand, Egyptian laws reject the integration of non-nationals in Egypt and impose strict conditions regarding work and residency permits and naturalization. The paper assesses Egyptian migration laws dealing with migration, both into or out of Egypt, against the criteria of circular migration and shows that the existing framework currently enforces a quasi-circular migration at best. In the examination of Egypt as a sending country, the paper shows that migration law does in fact provide a legal framework that meets most of the criteria favoring circular migration. Nevertheless, legislation suffers from shortcomings within the context of management, in terms of readmitting returned migrants or creating incentives for their return. The paper also points to discriminatory provisions regarding fundamental rights among the different groups of foreigners in Egypt, where the most disadvantaged are refugees and asylum seekers. The paper highlights the need for policies that improve the economic and social conditions of migrants, and to include refugees in circular migration programs as well as reduce the recourse to illegal migration among refugees and Egyptians alike.

In February 2003 the Cape Town City Council proposed a new by-law to regulate informal car parking attendants or car guards. This was a response to complaints by car drivers that they had been harassed by car guards. The bylaw proposed a mandatory registration process and sets a quota limiting 30 percent of licenses to refugees. In response, the Centre for Social Science Research conducted a survey of car drivers and car guards in two areas of central Cape Town where many complaints regarding car guards have been registered. Our findings confirm that the complaints made against car guards are just one part of the story. While we found that harassment of motorists does occur, it is at a lower level than has been suggested. The proposed legislation implies that Cape drivers are specifically dissatisfied with refugee car guards. Our data indicates the opposite: Cape Town car drivers are most satisfied with the car parking system when foreigners or refugees are guarding their cars. Restrictions on foreigners seem to reflect xenophobia, which is all too common in South Africa, not the actual experiences of car drivers. Any harassment is unacceptable, of course, but our data questions whether a complex administrative system of regulation is warranted. We also found that car guards report experiencing extortion by police and private security officers on an almost daily basis.

This paper looks at the relationship between migration and development in the context of Afghanistan. It begins with a brief outline of the historical and political background to the refugee crisis of the past two decades, and looks briefly at the society and economy of Afghanistan. The history and pattern of aid flows are described and analysed in the next section, followed by consideration of migration and refugee flows over the past two decades, and of remittances and diaspora activities. Repatriation and reconstruction are covered in the following two sections. The penultimate section looks at lessons to be learned for policy making in Afghanistan in the future, and is followed by concluding observations.A cautionary note on data on Afghanistan: although the recent months have seen a surge of interest and writing on Afghanistan, there has always been a shortage of data on the country. Much writing on Afghanistan, both by journalists and a few academics during the 1980s and 1990s, relates to politics, given the Cold War context of the conflict at the time. Most other data available on Afghanistan tend to come from aid agencies involved in the country. While this provides the bulk of information and data on aid and refugee issues – as reflected in the sources used in this paper – it has little to offer on other aspects of life in Afghanistan, especially on recent history and economy.

Just beyond the state there is a kind of limbo, a strange world this side of the hell of war, whose members are deprived of the relative security of political or social membership. Different sorts of people live there, mostly for indefinite periods of time, people who have been expelled from their state or otherwise deprived of legal rights, people whose state has been defeated in war and occupied or who have been separated somehow from its jurisdiction. Among the residents, two groups endure conditions paradigmatic for all the others: refugees, deprived of their rights by persecution; and prisoners of war, separated from their state by captivity. The two are very different, since refugees are stateless persons, radically dependent on their hosts and unable to look backward to any protecting authority, while prisoners remain citizens still and receive such protection as their states can provide. However distant and isolated they may be from their home country, their captivity is (hopefully) temporary; both captives and captors may one day be required to account for their behavior. Nevertheless, prisoners and refugees belong alike to the limbo world. They cannot expect effective help from any organized society; they do not know when, if ever, they will be "at home" again; they are compelled to reconstruct or redefine their obligations without reference, or without clearcut reference, to authoritative laws and commands.

The study aims at disclosing the narrative of immigration and the construction of the otherness in Italian Interior Minister, Matteo Salvini's discourse, geared towards the legitimization of anti-immigration policies. For this purpose, the author analyzes a sample of the Italian Interior Minister's discourses related to three cases of migrant landings, drawing on Proximization Theory, revealing how the concepts of closeness and remoteness are manipulated for the construction of threat and the legitimization of negative political response. The study concludes that Salvini's discourse presents all the classic characteristics of populism. It depicts virtuous and hardworking people threatened by the "others", them "illegals" who are not "legitimate refugees", along with inventing a new antagonist "other", the rescue NGOs that are framed as criminals, justifying their criminalization.

On April 6, 1994, a plane carrying Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana was shot down by unidentified assailants. The next day, the killings began. Over the next three months, as the international community stood by, an estimated one million Rwandans-Tutsis and moderate Hutus-were systematically slaughtered by Hutu extremists, mostly using clubs and machetes. The genocide, one of history's worst and certainly its quickest, finally ended in July, when the Rwandan Patriotic Front seized control of the country. The rebel army was led by a 36 year-old Tutsi former refugee named Paul Kagame, who promptly took political control: serving first as the de facto leader of the country while defense minister and vice president and then, in 2000, assuming the presidency. Adapted from the source document.

In the climate of increased anti-immigrant sentiment, deportations of immigrants from the United States are on the upsurge. This article begins with a review of current immigration laws enabling detentions and deportations of undocumented immigrants, as well as permanent legal residents with a prior criminal conviction. It then explores how immigrants and refugees interact with this national climate in Lowell, Massachusetts, a traditional immigrant city in the Northeast of the United States. The Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) actions have clearly had an impact on Lowell. Our findings indicate that fear and mistrust of local authorities is driving behavior of immigrants, who are reluctant to seek medical services or to report violence to the police, whom they suspect of collaborating with ICE. Adapted from the source document.