Suchergebnisse

[The Victorian Government has made a commitment to consult with the community on how best to protect and promote human rights in Victoria. To this end, it has established a Human Rights Consultation Committee to undertake this consultation and to report on the desirability or otherwise of enacting a Bill of Rights. The government has, however, indicated its preference for a statutory Bill of Rights and one that preserves the 'sover- eignty of Parliament'. This article takes those two government preferences as its baseline and then explores what might follow if the preservation of parliamentary sovereignty is taken seriously within a Victorian rights framework.]

This article examines how the choice of Ukraine's constitutional system affects both the relationship among key constitutional actors and the prospects of institutional change. It analyzes the character of the relationship between the president and parliament in the context of their competition over control of the cabinet. It then examines how and why the institutional interests and preferences of key political and public policy actors who inhabit the presidency, the legislature and the cabinet affect the prospects of maintaining or changing the constitutional status in Ukraine. It concludes that the institutional stability in Ukraine is still in a state of flux.

The Norwegian Parliament passed new rules for child maintenance determination in 2001. This article discusses the 2001 reform, and the debate preceding it, in the light of literature on changing 'breadwinner assumptions' in social policy. It is argued that the reform was a clear example of the politicisation of fatherhood in Norway, in that a key concern was to encourage continued care from non-resident fathers. Much less attention was paid to the situation of custodial parents, and to children's material needs. In assuming that parents living apart will conform to the (yet unusual) dual earner/dual carer model, policy makers may be putting undue stress on vulnerable families.

On May 1, 2004, ten countries in Central, Eastern and Southern Europe will become full members of the EU. The parliaments and monetary authorities of the ten accession countries have already to a large extent adapted their legal and institutional structures to the new Europe-wide environment. The papers in this SUERF Study analyse from different perspectives the challenges to regulators, supervisors, Governments and central bankers that are related to safeguarding financial stability in a large economic union with financial markets that are open to global competition. The papers were presented in March 2003 at a seminar jointly organised by SUERF and the Central Bank of Malta.

The Court has claimed the role of "guardian of the constitution", and neither Parliament nor the provincial legislatures have claimed any authority where the Charter is concerned. On the contrary, they have factored judicial exclusivity in Charter interpretation into their political deliberations. This paper considers the notion that the judiciary is the only legitimate interpreter of the Charter — how it became established, and the impact it has had on public policy and the political process in Canada. The pending reference to the Supreme Court on same-sex marriage is considered as an example of the problems judicial exclusivity can cause.

English
Within the context of the devolution statutes introduced by the 1997 UK Parliament, the Welsh Assembly's statutory equality imperative is unique in its non-prescriptive phrasing and all-embracing scope; it requires government to promote equality of opportunity for all people in the exercise of all its functions. Written at the end of the National Assembly for Wales's first term, this article sets out the background to the duty, explores its impact and tests two propositions by equality experts, namely: that constitutional reform has provided an "enabling context within which equalities work can develop" and that "different priorities and agenda can be discerned".

The European "sovereignty paradox" may be summarized as follows: National States and/or the European Parliament, that are the instances in which resides the democratic legitimacy to implement policies and to react to events affecting the economy, are not endowed with the instruments to act or react. The authorities that are actually empowered to act (as the ECB for monetary policy, or the European Commission for fiscal and competition policy), on the other hand, lack the legitimacy needed to use their power to implement policy. Thus we have on one side legitimacy without power, and on the other power without legitimacy (.).

The history & status of expatriates' representation in the French Parliament are surveyed. Participation by French citizens living abroad began in the WWII resistance movements. Under the Fourth Republic, three members of the Conseil de la Republique (Senate) were chosen by the Assemblee nationale (National Assembly) from candidates recommended by French expatriate associations. Under the Fifth Republic, 12 senators represent the 2,000,000 French living outside of France; the senators are elected by the 150 members of the Conseil superieur des Francais de l'etranger (High Council of French Citizens Living Abroad) -- who are chosen by direct universal suffrage. Adapted from the source document.

In the spring 2004 issue of We1tTrends, Gunther Hellmann sparked a debate on Germany's foreign policy. He argued that Germany's international behaviour is dominated by a Realpolitik policy generally referred to as "normalization." For Hellmann, this transformation indicates one of the "deepest crisis of Germany's foreign policy" ever. The first two parts of the debate were published in the Summer & Fall editions (no. 43 & 44) of WeltTrends, which featured contributions of German International Relations scholars as well as foreign policy-makers (Members of Parliament). In this edition, experts from abroad join the debate on Germany's current foreign policy. Adapted from the source document.

When this article is published, the study of the law relative to the new military status should begin in Parliament, an integral project of several measures aiming to bring more coherence to ancient or maladjusted dispositions. This positive aspect is to certify that in spite of official discourses praising the merits of military specificities, all subscribe, without care about the conditional & operational efficiency of the armies, to a process of alignment, of "normalization," of the military status similar to civil public functions. Such logic can only lead to a challenge of even the existence of the military status. Adapted from the source document.

This article explores the performance of the additional member systems of proportional representation introduced in the UK for elections to the Scottish Parliament, the National Assembly for Wales & the Greater London Assembly. It sets out the key features of these systems & examines how they have fared in terms of delivering (more) proportional results, using a range of measures of deviation from proportionality. On all measures the British AMS systems have relatively high levels of deviation from proportionality, but still rather less than the plurality system still used for Westminster. 4 Tables, 14 References. Adapted from the source document.