"Nicht nur Geschichte, auch Geschichtsschreibung wird gemacht", stellte Carola Sachse 2014 in einem Literaturbericht fest, in dem sie die zeithistorische Menschenrechtsforschung der letzten Jahrzehnte kritisch durchleuchtete und eine große Leerstelle konstatierte. Über Frauenrechte, Menschenrechtsaktivistinnen oder Geschlechterverhältnisse fand sich wenig in diesen Studien. Angesprochen auf diese Lücke meinte ein prominenter Experte lapidar: "Man kann nicht alles machen" – eine Antwort, die Sachse mitnichten zufriedenstellte. Dass sie daraufhin mit Roman Birke den vorliegenden Sammelband zu Menschenrechten und Geschlecht konzipierte, ist vor diesem Hintergrund nur folgerichtig. Und die Ergebnisse geben ihr recht: Die Vielgestaltigkeit der Beiträge bestätigt zwar einerseits, dass man wahrlich nicht alles machen kann. Doch wird andererseits auch deutlich, dass die Kategorie Geschlecht bei der Erforschung der Menschenrechtsgeschichte nicht ausgeklammert werden darf. .
This paper examines the Group of 20 (the G-20)* in the context of international relations, especially the G-20's impact on global governance and international security, and the G-20's significance for Canada and the conduct of Canadian foreign policy. It will show that the G-20 embodies the changing way the world interacts and it will argue that the group works and is needed, but that it can work better and become a more important and more effective element of global management. At the same time, the G-20 will not itself be sufficient to govern the world and should not be judged harshly as a consequence. The group can complement but not replace existing international organizations, especially the United Nations, although it can provide impetus to their work and utilize their capacity, becoming, if G-20 members are sufficiently sagacious, a key steering group of the network of organizations, institutions, associations and treaties by which states govern relations amongst themselves. The paper will also argue that if, as is likely, the G-20 endures, it will change the context in which Canada pursues its foreign policy and change, as well, how that policy is conducted, making the institution of prime minister even more paramount in the pursuit of Canadian interests abroad and the protection of Canadian values than it has yet become. More than ever, the prime minister will be the face and voice, indeed the personification, of the government of Canada on the international stage.
PurposeIn this paper the co-authors, educators and organizers working together in a liberatory curriculum development organization (People's Education Movement Chicago), put forth a conceptualization of Critical Race Praxis (CRP) in education as it applies to K-12 curriculum and education writ large. They take Yamamoto's (1997) premise seriously in that they need to spend less time with abstract theorizing and more time in communities experiencing injustice.Design/methodology/approachThe co-authors utilize critical race counterstory methodologies to analyze and (re)tell their experiences building and supporting justice-centered curriculum bound in CRP. In doing so, they share narratives that illuminate their individual and collective experiences navigating the gratuitous violence of white supremacy and other forms of structural oppression, and their work to center justice in and out of K-12 schools.FindingsThe findings provide examples of organizational praxes within the tenets of CRP (Conceptual, Material, Performative and Reflexive). For People's Education Movement Chicago the conceptual conditions of their praxes begin with an intersectional analysis of schooling, education, and life. Within the CRP tenant of the material, the co-authors share experiences that detail their continuous political education and offer seven emergent ways of being and building to bound the material change they seek to create through their work. Next, the co-authors share their insights on the performative tenet, with a focus on curriculum, which creates learning experiences that support people to remember social movements and develop within them the curiosity and agency to act on their findings in ways that center justice and transformation. Finally, the findings related to reflexivity focus on the authors' internal practices as a collective. The authors place process over product which, as they articulate, is a must if they are to produce a vital harvest for communities they work with and for.Research limitations/practical/social implicationsThe authors conclude the article with the following offerings useful to P-20 educators, researchers, school administrators and community members advancing more just educational futures: a commitment to the on the groundwork, situating social justice as an experiential phenomenon, the utilization of interdisciplinary approaches, collaborative work and capacity building, and a commitment to self and collective care.Originality/valueAs P-20 teachers, community workers, organizers, caregivers and education scholars of color building together in a K-12 curriculum development organization, the authors suggest that now is the moment to pivot away from the rhetoric of "we don't do CRT" and into work that constructs paths toward praxes bound in the tenets of CRP.
Publisher's version (útgefin grein). ; Background: Menopause is associated with a number of adverse health effects and its timing has been reported to be influenced by several lifestyle factors. Whether greenspace exposure is associated with age at menopause has not yet been investigated. Objective: To investigate whether residential surrounding greenspace is associated with age at menopause and thus reproductive aging. Methods: This longitudinal study was based on the 20-year follow-up of 1955 aging women from a large, population-based European cohort (ECRHS). Residential surrounding greenspace was abstracted as the average of satellite-based Normalized Difference Vegetation Index (NDVI) across a circular buffer of 300 m around the residential addresses of each participant during the course of the study. We applied mixed effects Cox models with centre as random effect, menopause as the survival object, age as time indicator and residential surrounding greenspace as time-varying predictor. All models were adjusted for smoking habit, body mass index, parity, age at menarche, ever-use of contraception and age at completed full-time education as socio-economic proxy. Results: An increase of one interquartile range of residential surrounding greenspace was associated with a 13% lower risk of being menopausal (Hazard Ratio: 0.87, 95% Confidence Interval: 0.79–0.95). Correspondingly the predicted median age at menopause was 1.4 years older in the highest compared to the lowest NDVI quartile. Results remained stable after additional adjustment for air pollution and traffic related noise amongst others. Conclusions: Living in greener neighbourhoods is associated with older age at menopause and might slow reproductive aging. These are novel findings with broad implications. Further studies are needed to see whether our findings can be replicated in different populations and to explore the potential mechanisms underlying this association. ; Kai Triebner has received a postdoctoral fellowship from theUniversity of Bergen. Payam Dadvand is funded by a Ramón y Cajalfellowship (Grant: RYC-2012-10995) awarded by the Spanish Ministryof Economy and Finance. The present analyses are part of a projectfunded by the Norwegian Research Council (Grant: 228174).Coordination of the ECRHS I was supported by the EuropeanCommission as part of the"Quality of Life"program and the authorsand participants are grateful to the late C. Baya and M. Hallen for theirhelp during the study and K. Vuylsteek and the members of the COMACfor their support. Coordination of the ECRHS II was supported by theEuropean Commission as part of the"Quality of Life"program (Grant:QLK4-CT-1999-01237). The coordination of the ECRHS 3 was fundedthrough the Medical Research Council (Grant: 92091). NDVI calcula-tions were conducted within the framework of the Ageing Lungs InEuropean Cohorts study that was funded by the European Union'sHorizon 2020 research and innovation program under (Grant: 633212).Bodies funding the local studies are listed in the online data supple-ment. The funding sources were not involved in the conduct of theresearch and/or preparation of the article, in study design, in the col-lection, analysis and interpretation of data, in the writing of the reportor in the decision to submit the article for publication. ; Peer Reviewed
Within the framework of new urban policies in the City of Buenos Aires, a redevelopment project began to be implemented in Villa 20 in 2016. Various state mechanisms were created to guarantee the participation of residents in decision-making. In this article, the processes of collective mobilization around redevelopment are analyzed, particularly the formation of the political front Mesa Activa por la Reurbanización de la Villa 20. From an ethnographic approach and the concept of hegemony, the perspectives of the actors are recovered and the daily network of practices and social relations is reconstructed. It is shown that neighbors and militants develop political actions, both inside and outside the state devices, through which they build unity. Likewise, they establish interpersonal relationships with state agents: confrontational ties, as well as alliances, affinity relationships, and cooperation. ; En el marco de nuevas políticas urbanas en la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires, comenzó a implementarse un proyecto de reurbanización de la Villa 20 en el año 2016. Se crearon diversos dispositivos estatales para garantizar la participación de los vecinos en la toma de decisiones. En el presente artículo, se analizan los procesos de movilización colectiva en torno a la reurbanización, particularmente la conformación del frente político Mesa Activa por la Reurbanización de la Villa 20. Desde un enfoque etnográfico y el concepto de hegemonía, se recuperan las perspectivas de los actores y se reconstruye el entramado cotidiano de prácticas y relaciones sociales. Se muestra que los vecinos y militantes desarrollan acciones políticas, tanto dentro como fuera de los dispositivos estatales, a través de las cuales construyen unidad. Asimismo, entablan relaciones interpersonales con los agentes estatales: vínculos de confrontación, así como también alianzas,relaciones de afinidad y cooperación.