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Objective/context: The article explores truth commissions as processes that allow victims and civil society mobilization. It examines the relationship between victims and civil society with the governing regime in the lead up to the establishment of a truth commission and in the implementation of a commission's recommendations. The article frames mobilization as enabling vertical accountability relationships following the pressure that victims and civil society exert on the governing regime. To support this argument, I examine the commissions established in 1990 in Nepal and in 1994 in Sri Lanka. Methodology: The article proposes evaluative criteria showing a governing regime is rendered accountable to pressure from civil society, in the lead up to establishing a truth commission and as a result of the recommendations in the final report. It then assesses whether or not the data collected fulfills the evaluative criteria proposed. Data has been collected by carrying out a literature review, including primary and secondary sources, and through semi-structured interviews conducted in Nepal and Sri Lanka between 2013 and 2015. Conclusions: The evidence collected suggests that a close relationship between victims, civil society, and pro-democracy political parties leading to the establishment of a truth commission, limits the pressure this civil society can exert on the implementation of recommendations, once those prodemocracy political parties are in the new government. Originality: The analysis of truth commissions as processes is relevant to better understand the reasons behind a lack of implementation of their recommendations. ; Objetivo/contexto: El artículo explora las comisiones de la verdad como procesos que permiten la movilización social de las víctimas y de la sociedad civil. Examina la relación entre el régimen de gobierno y las víctimas y sociedad civil en el periodo previo al establecimiento de una comisión de la verdad y en la implementación de las recomendaciones de la comisión. El artículo considera que la movilización permite relaciones verticales de rendición de cuentas tras la presión que las víctimas y la sociedad civil ejercen sobre el régimen gobernante. Para respaldar este argumento, examino las comisiones establecidas en 1990 en Nepal y en 1994 en Sri Lanka. Metodología: El artículo propone criterios evaluativos que muestran que un régimen gubernamental rinde cuentas ante la presión de la sociedad civil, en el periodo previo al establecimiento de una comisión de la verdad, y como resultado de las recomendaciones del informe final. Luego evalúa si los datos recolectados cumplen con los criterios evaluativos propuestos. Los datos se recolectaron realizando una revisión de literatura, incluyendo fuentes primarias y secundarias, y mediante entrevistas semiestructuradas realizadas en Nepal y Sri Lanka entre 2013 y 2015. Conclusiones: La evidencia recolectada sugiere que una relación cercana entre las víctimas, la sociedad civil y los partidos políticos prodemocráticos en el periodo previo al establecimiento de una comisión de la verdad, limita la presión que esta sociedad civil puede ejercer, en términos de la implementación de recomendaciones, cuando esos partidos políticos prodemocráticos se encuentren en el nuevo gobierno. Originalidad: El análisis de las comisiones de la verdad como procesos es relevante para comprender mejor las razones que subyacen a la falta de implementación de sus recomendaciones.

Azerbaijan is a secular, majority-Shiite, oil and gas-rich country whose per-capita income quadrupled in real terms during the period 2004-10. While rising incomes have reduced poverty, steps towards a more secure, diversified economy are held back by a public sector that rests on vested interests, patronage-based incentive structures, and ingrained patterns of behavior that include significant rent extraction, particularly from the non-oil economy, with minimal checks and balances from Parliament, the private sector, and civil society. Bank engagement in Azerbaijan at the country level focused on areas which had government support. Some modest results have been achieved, even though in many cases modern laws and practices were adopted without adequate plans for implementation. At the project level, the Bank has supported the strengthening of project implementation units (PIUs) and tools for monitoring, and governance and institutional filters have signaled that Governance and Anticorruption (GAC) processes need to be embedded in the Bank projects. At the sector level, the Bank's work was highly relevant in supporting oil revenue transparency, primary education, roads, and the development of safeguards. It was substantially relevant in public financial management, and private sector development and procurement. Bank engagement was moderately relevant in decentralization, civil service reform, and accountability institutions.

Open Government policies are being implemented and applied in various countries around the world, not being alien to this phenomenon the Latin countries, including Peru, having the perception that their development has emphasis and visibility at the central government level, but differs in its application at the level of local environments; It is for this reason that a qualitative systematic review of literature and case studies with an analytical approach was carried out, with the objective of knowing if the national Open Government policies are being applied in the same proportion and with the same effectiveness in the local environments of some Latin countries such as Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Spain and Peru; for which the review work led us to identify 10 articles published in various very reliable databases, where important information was obtained that has led us to the conclusion that countries such as Peru, Colombia and Argentina, in relation to other countries such as Chile, Mexico and Spain have not achieved significant progress in the application of Open Government policies in their local environments; Although there are isolated activities that have to do with the use of digital platforms, through which the population and users are encouraged to use tools through technological platforms, whether they are web portals or application, and participation is encouraged through Internet; but, little development regarding the issues of accountability, transparency, participation and collaboration. ; Las políticas de Gobierno Abierto se vienen implementando y aplicando en diversos países alrededor del mundo, no siendo ajenos a este fenómeno los países latinos, entre ellos el Perú, teniendo la percepción que su desarrollo tiene énfasis y visibilidad a nivel de gobierno central, pero difiere en su aplicación a nivel de entornos locales; es por esa razón que, se procedió a realizar una revisión sistemática cualitativa de literatura y estudios de casos con enfoque de análisis, con el objetivo de conocer ...

There has been an increase in the integration of global agricultural value chains in recent decades. This trend has created opportunities for smallholder farmers and agrifood industries in developing countries through forms of international exchange. At the same time, demographic changes and rising incomes across the developing world have affected the food security status of citizens in developing countries. Institutions have a prominent role to play in how integrated countries and smallholder farmers are in global value chains. This dissertation seeks to answer these questions first by studying coconut value chains. The first paper does this by first on a macro level by analyzing the role of institutions on the trade of coconut products. Second, I study a case study in Fiji qualitatively to understand the discourses and perceptions of farmers involved in coconut farming. Finally, the third paper takes a theoretical model to assess the effects of a transition of rural smallholder farming to selling or renting landholdings and supplying labor to larger commercial farms on the food security and economic welfare of in-country urban consumers. In line with the two previous papers, it emphasizes the importance of institutions since positive and negative institutional forces within the home country play a part in the persistence of smallholder farming. Chapter 2 presents the first paper, titled "The role of institutional quality on the performance in the export of coconut products." It aimed to answer three research questions. First, we are interested in how the overall institutional environment in exporting countries affects the bilateral trade of coconut products. Second, we look into whether improvements in the exporters' individual indicator scores lead to an increase in trade with consideration to the exporters' and importers' overall institutional setting. Lastly, we investigate the effects of institutional similarities for coconut trade and its different compositions of value addition. To address these questions, we utilized structural gravity models to measure how institutional quality affects the trade performance of the top 26 coconut producing countries to the top 15 importing economies over the span of 20 years. The results suggest that increased government effectiveness enhances trade of high-value products, whereas better voice and accountability scores decrease the trade of coconut products in both categories of value addition. The second paper, presented in Chapter 3, investigates the coconut value chain in Fiji. It is titled "Fiji's participation in the global coconut value chain: Opportunities and constraints." Field research was conducted in the islands of Fiji. I use predominately a qualitative approach to understand the rhetoric and discourses of each stakeholder group involved in the coconut sector and their perceptions of the challenges and opportunities. This chapter then follows the first paper and looks into the effect of institutional indicators on the performance in the export of coconut products from Fiji. The empirical results show that increased scores in the government's effectiveness and voice and accountability indicators enhance coconut exports from Fiji, suggesting that domestic institutions play an important role. Interviews with key actors reveal that communications among each stakeholder group are fragmented. The main institutional actors and the producers have different perceptions of the industry's challenges, thus resulting in different ideas on how to address the issues. Chapter 4 of this dissertation is titled "Modern agricultural value chains and food security of urban consumers in developing countries." The work is a collaboration stemmed from my research stay at the University of California Davis. The study builds on previous research (Ma & Sexton, forthcoming) that assessed the future of smallholder farming systems in modern agricultural value chains. Their findings show that smallholders gain higher incomes and larger production outputs when they can supply inputs and labor to large commercial farms compared to working on own small farms across a range of plausible market settings. We address the unanswered question of how this improved productivity effect can affect the welfare and food security of domestic smallholders and urban consumers. We obtain price elasticities of demand for staple food commodities in developing countries from 15 peer-reviewed articles. Based on these figures, we embed a demand-side framework into the Ma-Sexton model to study the impacts of land consolidation and the advent of commercial farming systems on the dietary diversity of home country urban consumers. Some general conclusions and implications can be drawn from the results of these chapters. First, we confirm that institutions matter, but not merely as one entity. Different aspects of institutional quality affect integration differently. When assessing coconut producing countries collectively, the findings of our first paper suggest that government effectiveness matters the most when enhancing trade of coconut products of varying degrees of value edition, while the indicator, voice and accountability, had contrasting effects. However, chapter 3 demonstrates that for Fiji, a small island economy, both government effectiveness and voice and accountability increase Fiji's export of coconut products. This implies that the heterogeneities of each country play a role and must be taken into consideration for future research. Each country has its specific institutional set-up and enabling environment. The integration of each country will differ albeit to a lesser or greater degree than another. Findings from the last paper suggest that urban consumers, especially the poorer households, can benefit when prices of staple crops increase. Their overall welfare and diet improve as a result. Smallholders also see an improvement in welfare as the utility in consumption and leisure increases. Though governments and international donors have an egalitarian and development in mind when implementing policies and strategies that support smallholder farming, our findings suggest that there is a large welfare gain if policies enable smallholders to supply land and labor to commercial farms.

At the outset of the Implementation Phase of the MD Undergraduate Curriculum Renewal process, it was felt that the implementation of a renewed curriculum would be constrained without systematic reform, which included an adaptable governance framework that could accommodate transformational change. To this effect, the Implementation Task Force for Curriculum Renewal (ITFCR) established the Curriculum Governance Working Group, and commissioned it to: review the current system of curriculum governance in the University of British Columbia (UBC) Faculty of Medicine (FoM) MD Undergraduate program (MDUP), identify its strengths and weaknesses, and suggest changes for future implementation that were aligned with the LCME/CACMS accreditation standards. The ultimate goal of the group was to propose a renewed governance framework that would identify the policies, procedures and organizational structures to guide and direct how people and committees should interact and make decisions. The group undertook an extensive methodology, and found that, overall, there is no one model that medical schools adopt to govern decisions within their curriculum, and that it is more important to adhere to principles of good governance, rather than structure, to facilitate decision making. In keeping with the benchmarks of excellence espoused by UBC and the FoM, the group adopted the United Nations framework of good governance as a guideline for making recommendations. The United Nations defines good governance as a framework that contains the following eight characteristics: participation, rule of law, transparency, responsiveness, consensus‐oriented, equity and inclusiveness, effectiveness and efficiency, and accountability.(1) Through its methodology, the group identified a number of strengths in the current governance of the MDUP. These include: a participatory, consensus‐oriented and inclusive system; a willingness of faculty and staff to cooperate; an appreciation for an organizational structure that is reasonably well‐aligned with university policies and accreditation standards. Weaknesses were also identified, which included: a lack of transparency around some decision‐making processes; insufficient flexibility in decision‐making; a lack of communication about how decisions are made; committees sizes as too large, which can hamper effectiveness and efficiency; a process of program evaluation is not systematically followed by planning and improvement; and an overall sense that there is a need for a more effective curriculum management system. In light of its research and findings, the Curriculum Governance Working Group has proposed recommendations to address weaknesses in the current MD Undergraduate governance structure and coupled them with a renewed governance model. The recommendations are, in summary form, as follows (please refer to Chapter 5 for further context and details): Recommendation 1: Principles and Values That the Faculty of Medicine adopt the eight characteristics of good governance defined by the United Nations (1) to guide the development of new policies and that existing structures and processes of decision‐making (both formal and informal) be revisited to determine how well they align with these characteristics. Recommendation 2: Organizational Structure That the MD Undergraduate Program's governance structure undergoes reform to enable more effective leadership, encourage transparency and clarity of roles and decision‐making processes, and accountability. Five committees that should be the first to undergo modifications in order to improve the effectiveness, efficacy and accountability of the governance system: Council of Undergraduate Associate Deans, MD Undergraduate Program Committee, Curriculum Committee, Program Evaluation Committee and the Student Assessment Committees. 2.1 Dissolve the Council of Undergraduate Associate Deans (CUAD) and replace it with a Regional Executive for the MDUP (MDU‐REX). 2.2 Change the Terms of Reference of the MD Undergraduate Program Committee (MDUPC) to become a more focused education committee and rename it the MD Undergraduate Education Committee (MDUEC). 2.3 Revise the Terms of Reference of the Program Evaluation Committee (PEC) to support an iterative process of planning, evaluation, and program improvement, and rename it to "Program Evaluation, Planning and Improvement Committee." This committee will report to the MDU‐REX. Create a sub‐committee to oversee the Undergraduate Curriculum quality improvement that will report to the Program Evaluation and Planning Committee. 2.4 Redesign the Curriculum Committee (CC). 2.5 Create a Student Assessment committee as recommended by the Curriculum Renewal Working Group on Student Assessment. 2.6 Revise the original organizational structure and function of the MD Undergraduate Program to reflect the aforementioned recommendations. Recommendation 3: Decision‐making Process That the MDUEC develop a guide to curricular changes and a decision‐making tree to show where responsibilities lie and who is accountable for what, and that these are communicated widely. Recommendation 4: Representation Model/Committee Size That committees in the MD Undergraduate Program be downsized to a more manageable level. Overall, the model would have individuals from both central and regional campuses at any given time. Recommendation 5: Committee Terms of Reference (TOR) Format That in order to ensure clarity of purpose, accountability, responsibilities and consistency of message, the Terms of Reference (ToR) of all committees in the MDUP be revised to comply with a standardized template. Recommendation 6: Decision‐making Framework That the Faculty of Medicine revisits the concept of where decision making takes place in the MDUP. The Faculty should explore changes to the governance framework that will result in the most optimal delegation and distribution of authority that will promote timely and effective decision making and will help to preserve sustainability in a model that is growing in size and complexity. Recommendation 7: Communications That the MD Undergraduate Program develop and implement a communication strategy to ensure all the stakeholders have easy and timely access to pertinent information on governance. This strategy must recognize and ensure that communication flows in more than one direction. ; Medicine, Faculty of ; Pediatrics, Department of ; Unreviewed ; Faculty

In contrast to past literature on competitive bribery, the thesis demonstrates that competitive bribery for rents generated from market distortions is inefficient. However, self enriching policy makers have incentives for implementing these distortions in order to maximize the appropriation of rents. Their success in raising distortions is higher when the electoral process is easily manipulated. Thus distortions are higher and last longer in the absence of electoral accountability. Such distortions worsen the deprivation of human capabilities and functionings, as evidenced by worsening health outcomes among children in Zimbabwe after the policy changes since 2000. Market distortions are sub-optimal and attract bribery. Given arguments in the literature that competitive bribery is efficient, this thesis investigates whether this 'efficiency outcome' extends to bribery for rents generated from distortions. This analysis questions the generalization of the 'efficiency outcome' from models of competitive bribery. The thesis applies auction theory to demonstrate that a symmetric model of competitive bribery can produce an inefficient outcome. In particular, it shows that efficiency in competitive bribery models is sensitive to the source of rents. If the valuation of rents is misaligned to society's preferences, then competitive bribery produces an inefficient outcome. The generalization that competitive bribery is efficient is therefore misleading. This is illustrated using rents generated from market distortions hence the outcome confirms the inefficiency of bribery for rents generated from market distortions. Bribes for rents generated by market distortions accrue to office bearers. Therefore, self enriching policy makers find rent generating distortions attractive despite their negative impact on efficiency and social outcomes. These policy makers seek to extract maximum rents from distortions subject to constraints imposed by considerations for political survival. The political considerations are determined by the quality of electoral institutions. When electoral institutions are weak, incumbents can use electoral fraud to circumvent political pressure generated by the negative effects of high distortions. They maximize on financial rents by raising the level of distortions even when large welfare losses arise. Uni democratic regimes will therefore choose higher levels of distortions. They are less likely to adjust high distortions too. The thesis demonstrates this argument using a model of electoral accountability to compare distortions chosen by an incumbent with and without the possibility of electoral manipulation. The model shows that an incumbent chooses higher distortions when electoral manipulation is feasible. This theory is confirmed on exchange rate distortions in Sub-Saharan Africa. Dictatorships overvalue by between 22.4 and 26.6 percentage points more than complete democracies. These estimates are obtained from dynamic panel GMM estimation using data for non CFA Sub-Saharan countries. The quality of democracy is measured by the polity 2 score from the Polity IV data and exchange rate overvaluation by the black market to official exchange rate ratio. Further confirmation of the hypothesis comes from conditional logit estimation results. They show that undemocratic regimes are more likely to excessively overvalue the exchange rate than democratic regimes. This explains the persistence of excessive distortions in countries with weak institutions. Such distortions can not be wholly attributed to lobbying by special interest groups or to the political use of economic inefficiency as generally argued in the literature. Zimbabwe offers a practical example of distortions which are implemented or sustained for maximizing the appropriation of rents by the incumbent. The government stepped up its intervention in markets since 2000. The resulting distortions shifted command over resources and placed them in the hands of the elite while their intensity and persistence had devastating effects on the economy. Elections over this period have been accompanied by electoral intimidation and manipulation. Thus the incumbent government relied on electoral manipulation to continue the appropriation of rents from market distortions. Zimbabwe provides a good case study of the consequences of market distortions that are sustained to benefit the incumbent in the presence of weak democratic institutions. The thesis uses the 1999 and 2005/06 DHS data to make a comparative analysis of changes in social outcomes after the policy shift in Zimbabwe. This analysis sheds light on the social costs of market distortions that are sustained to benefit the incumbent. The average number of items consumed by under 5 year old children declined by 34%, mean height for age by 19% and mean weight for age by 16%. The biggest declines were on outcomes for children living in poor and middle class households. Children in richer households were the least affected. The significant negative coefficient of food consumption in the height and weight for age regressions show that food consumptions worsened child health outcomes. The decline in food consumption contributed to 37% and 57% decline in means of height and weight for age respectively. ii Wealth inequality in 2005/06 was 16% relatively higher than inequality in 1999. Wealth is measured by an asset index derived from principle component analysis and its inequality by the McKenzie 2005 index. Inequality in food consumption increased as evidenced by a change in the Kakwani concentration index for food consumption by 48% of the 1999 value. A decomposition of changes in health inequality shows that increased inequality in food consumption contributed to increased nutrition inequality by a magnitude of 11% and 6% of stunting and underweight concentration indices in 1999. These results indicate that market distortions worsened social outcomes in Zimbabwe. Yet the distortions persisted for almost a decade due to weak electoral accountability in that period. This shows that a weak intuitional environment which erodes electoral accountability promotes policies that are costly to society. Distortions that arise from such policies have an impact that extends beyond efficiency in allocation. They affect outcomes which are intrinsically important aspects of well-being. iii

On December 3, 2014, the U.S. Department of Education released a draft of proposed new Teacher Preparation Regulations under Title II of the Higher Education Act with a call for public comments within 60 days. The proposal enumerates federally mandated but state-enforced regulations of all teacher preparation programs. Specifically, it requires states to assess and rate every teacher preparation program every year with four Performance Assessment Levels (exceptional, effective, at-risk, and low-performing), and states must provide technical assistance to "low-performing" programs. "Low-performing" institutions and programs that do not show improvement may lose state approval, state funding, and federal student financial aid. This review considers the evidentiary support for the proposed regulations and identifies seven concerns: (1) an underestimation of what could be a quite high and unnecessary cost and burden; (2) an unfounded attribution of educational inequities to individual teachers rather than to root systemic causes; (3) an improperly narrow definition of teacher classroom readiness; (4) a reliance on scientifically discredited processes of test-based accountability and value-added measures for data analysis; (5) inaccurate causal explanations that will put into place a disincentive for teachers to work in high-needs schools; (6) a restriction on the accessibility of federal student financial aid and thus a limiting of pathways into the teaching profession; and (7) an unwarranted, narrow, and harmful view of the very purposes of education.

Since 1979, Ideology and Curriculum has been a path breaking statement on the relationship between cultural and economic power in education. The new edition of this now classic text has been updated by celebrated author and activist Michael W. Apple to include a full new chapter on the book's lasting critical agenda in the context of the contemporary conservative climate. A new substantive preface introduces the fourth edition, reflecting on earlier arguments and developments from the intervening years while a concluding interview details the author's background and continuing efforts toward building a more equitable society. In celebration of the 40th anniversary of its publication, this highly-anticipated new edition firmly situates Ideology and Curriculum as one of the most important education titles of our time.

How "New Political Governance" has led to the erosion of the impartial public service and the undermining of democratic governance.

A pesar de tener un carácter transformador o incluso haber adoptado un discurso anti-sexista, los movimientos sociales constituyen espacios de reproducción del sexismo y las violencias de género. La unión en torno a una reivindicación común y la intensidad de las relaciones de amistad y confianza que se entretejen, configuran un escenario complejo de afinidades e intereses, atraviesan la dinámica del colectivo y confieren ciertas particularidades al espacio social (físico y discursivo) que ocupan. Entendemos que se trata de un ámbito de análisis especialmente interesante puesto que, discursivamente, se rechazan este tipo de comportamientos y, por lo tanto, deberían activarse mecanismos tanto de prevención como de gestión de las violencias. Esta investigación ahonda en las respuestas que estos grupos de acción política han elaborado frente a la violencia contra las mujeres perpetrada entre sus filas, a través de una perspectiva cualitativa que centra el foco en las comunidades activistas del País Vasco. Nuestro objetivo es contribuir a profundizar en el estudio concreto de la violencia contra las mujeres, al abundar en su carácter estructural y romper con la representación tradicional que sitúa esta violencia en unos espacios sociales y no en otros. ; In spite of having a transformative character or even having adopted an anti-sexist discourse, social movements constitute spaces for the reproduction of sexism and gender violence. The union around a common claim and the intensity of the relationships of friendship and trust, configure a complex scenario of affinities and interests, that break through the dynamics of the group and confer certain particularities to the social space (physical and discursive) that they occupy. We understand that this is a particularly interesting field of analysis since discursively, this type of behavior is rejected and, therefore, mechanisms for both prevention and management of violence should be activated. This research delves into the responses that these groups of political action have developed to the violence against women perpetrated among them, through a qualitative perspective that focuses on activist communities in the Basque Country. Our objective is to contribute to deepening the concrete study of violence against women by abounding in its structural nature and breaking with the traditional representation that places this violence in some social spaces and not in others.

On 25 May 2020, the death of an unknown Blackman named George Floyd in the Minneapolis United States has led to a wave of global protests worldwide. The United Kingdom was not left out of these protests. The deaths of black people in police custody are not a new unfortunate phenomenon in the United Kingdom. The author looks at some of these deaths in the United Kingdom from a historical perspective, relying on both racial typologies theorists on one side and the responses, provided by Afrocentric theorists on race over time, on the other side. The author relies on several case studies of black deaths and secondary sources, arguing that racism can be held responsible for most of these killings by the police. The research findings are encapsulated in the trio unfortunate incidents of slavery, colonialism, and apartheid. These incidences have metamorphosed over time, becoming a social stigma black people wear from cradle to grave. The author suggests that police officers who murder black people and hide behind the wearing of uniforms should not be given immunity from justice. The author debunks the myth, suggesting that the life of a black person is often portrayed as worthless by whites folks. More findings are that both black lives and every human being's lives matter with great intrinsic value. No life must be wasted under the guise of policing. The right to life unarguably remains the most fundamental human right, which the state must protect at all times. Without the protection of life, all other fundamental human rights become meaningless.

This article aims to identify important factors leading to integrity breaches in China's current public procurement and provides insights into ways to diminish them. It develops and tests a theoretical model of supplier integrity, which identifies three external factors (i.e. laws and regulations, supervision and government procurement centres) and one internal factor (i.e. organisational motivations) as antecedents of organisational qualities, which in turn govern organisational integrity. The model is tested using survey data. The results suggest that laws and regulations, and supervision do not have any significant effect on suppliers, but government procurement centres and organisational motivations have positively affected suppliers' organisational qualities, which reduce integrity breaches. This article thus recommends further unification reform on laws and regulations as well as supervision to control suppliers' integrity breaches. (China/GIGA)

On becoming paramount leader, Xi Jinping, with the assistance of Wang Qishan, augmented the powers of the Commission for Discipline Inspection (CDI), the body charged with investigating wrongdoing by government and Party employees. To consolidate his power, Xi merged a number of different departments into a "great system of supervision and investigation," known as the National Supervisory Commission (NSC). The CDI acts as the core body of the NSC, and it scrutinizes cases of corruption and malfeasance in coordination with relevant departments. The most important aspects of this process are "placing a case on file" (li'an) and "detention" (liuzhi). This article seeks to throw light on the CDI's investigation process through extensive fieldwork carried out in County J. (China J/GIGA)