Suchergebnisse

While there are many formal models that generate predictions about polarization, only a handful address the question of how, with no change in electoral rules, levels of polarization can dramatically vary over time, as they have in the US House during 150 years of two-party competition. We propose a model that emphasizes national party constraints on district candidates' ability to locate at positions far from the national party stance. The model predicts a close relation between tight tethers maintained by the national parties and congressional polarization, suggests implications for political competition, and generates the empirically accurate prediction that partisan polarization and within-party differentiation are negatively correlated. When the tethers of the two parties are not equally strong, the model suggests modifications to the conditional party governance approach and helps explain ideological shift/drift affecting both parties, with the party with the tighter tether moving the other party toward its ideological wake. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright holder.]

Democracy is defined by two core tenets: voice and pluralism. Within these constraints, a wide variety of regime types can be designed. We show that the only new, untested form of democracy is when every citizen is governed by the political party of his/her choice. Multiple full-edged governments would coexist in the same national territory at the same time, each one sovereign only over the people who chose to vote for it - hence the name: Choice Democracy. Choice Democracy can be regarded as pure polyarchy, the broadest form of political competition, and a robust mechanism for disciplining government agencies. We argue that this system makes democracy more stable by reducing the risk of revolutionary and financial crises. We develop a theory for the optimal number of governments per countries, where the answer is determined by a trade-off between cooperation and competition. We also provide evidence indicating that Choice Democracy would be viable in the real world.

Today, one can consider apparel industry as one of the most preliminary profession needed by human beings. In terms of brand, the industry enjoys good situation in the world. Brand and trademark issues are admired as a competitive advantage worldwide. Due to brand role in promoting, growing and progressing the products both qualitatively and quantitatively, it is accepted and used in all Iranian industries. Its importance in competition, the growth and development of companies and analyzing business environment has made attractive. Present paper aims at studying the status of brands in Iranian apparel industry (Comparing GERAD agency in Iran with other agents in Qom) by using PEST method, SWOT analysis, CCFs and target market segmentation matrix. Based on conducted investigations to identify current barriers and challenges in apparel industry brands through interviews with senior managers of active companies in apparel and textile industry and a questionnaire submitted to them, 13 proper guidelines were achieved among which deregulation of prices strategy as well as four suggestion on trust building and promoting national and Iranian brands in domestic, regional and global markets were provided.

South Korea's and Japan's telecommunications sectors developed rapidly, especially in high-speed, low-priced broadband. We argue that both countries are engaged in strategic liberalization, fostering competition to reach specific goals. However, different political dynamics pushed their initially similar policy regimes apart. Korea retained its managed competition regime while Japan experienced a regime shift.

South Korea's and Japan's telecommunications sectors developed rapidly, especially in high-speed, low-priced broadband. We argue that both countries are engaged in strategic liberalization, fostering competition to reach specific goals. However, different political dynamics pushed their initially similar policy regimes apart. Korea retained its managed competition regime while Japan experienced a regime shift.

The National Health Service was a political settlement based on meso corporatism. That settlement was destabilised by economic competition in markets and political competition in democratic arenas. The reforms of recent years are an attempt to create a new authority structure capable of legitimising the rationing decisions made in the delivery of health care. That attempt is failing.

A political party system has evolved in Taiwan in recent years that both embodies and promotes party competition. The author explores the evolution of political parties in Taiwan with special reference to "party" competition in the 1980 national election, the Kuomintang versus the Democratic Progression Party (DPP) in the 1986 election, factionalism in the DPP etc. (DÜI-Sen)

Considers legislation to revise 4th class parcel post size and weight limitations to prevent Government competition with certain types of commercial freight services. ; Tom Murray, chairman. ; Considers legislation to revise 4th class parcel post size and weight limitations to prevent Government competition with certain types of commercial freight services. ; Mode of access: Internet.

European shipyards face a rising competition in the global market. Christopher Sauerhoff investigates such aspects as a shipyard's market expertise, its practical experiences, and its cooperative activities. He analyzes whether there is a relationship between each of these aspects and those resources and capabilities constituting the basis for a shipyard's competence in the field of services. The author conducts focused interviews with 26 experts from the shipbuilding industry. Based on the findings of the interviews, he subsequently carries out an international survey addressed to shipyards' management representatives. The results indicate that there is the chance for European shipyards to improve their position in the global shipbuilding industry by offering not only customized high-tech ships of best quality, but also technical service packages and therewith adding further value for their customers. Contents Shipbuilding Industry Services and Their Commercial Relevance The Future Location of Modern Shipbuilding Target Groups Researchers and students from the field of business economics with a focus on innovation management Practitioners and executives in the shipbuilding industry, offshore technology, aircraft manufacturing, mechanical and plant engineering The Author Dr. Christopher Sauerhoff completed his doctoral thesis under the supervision of Prof. Dr. Wolfgang Burr at the Chair of Research, Development, and Innovation Management at the University of Stuttgart.

This article reconstructs and reflects on the 1989 debate between Jerry Cohen and myself on market socialism in the light of Cohen's ongoing defence of communitarian socialism. It presents Cohen's view of market socialism as ethically deficient but a modest improvement on capitalism, and outlines some market socialist proposals from the 1980s. Our debate centred on the issues of distributive justice and community. I had argued that a market economy might be justified by appeal to desert based on productive contribution, but Cohen saw effort as the only relevant desert base, and claimed that only non-comparative judgements of economic desert were possible. Market-derived inequalities, therefore, could not be deserved. He also condemned markets for relying on the motives of greed and fear, and therefore as destructive of community. In reply, I asserted that markets also liberated people from fixed social roles, and that market competition could be viewed differently, as providing the most effective way for people to contribute to each other's welfare. In retrospect, this debate can be seen to raise questions about the nature of justice and the purpose of political philosophy that have come to the fore in recent exchanges between 'realists' and 'idealists'.

Studies of government participation in established democracies demonstrate that ideological factors significantly influence whether or not a party gets into government. Thus far, research on government participation in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) indicates that ideological considerations have been insignificant. This is unexpected given what we know from the literature on parties and party systems in the region. Party systems have become more stable and parties themselves rapidly developed identifiable policy platforms. I argue that one of the reasons for this disparity between the government participation literature in new and established democracies is the failure to understand the ideological space across the CEE region. Although party competition can be conceptualized as a one-dimensional space in each country, the policies that underpin notions of 'left' and 'right' vary. Imposing a definition of the ideological space that was developed for West European countries ignores the ideological context of CEE. This article finds that when the left-right space is defined in a way that is meaningful to CEE countries, ideological factors are highly significant indicators of government membership across the region. Specifically, ideological proximity to the formateur and proximity to the median significantly increase a party's probability of participating in government. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright holder.]

Regional economic development competition can be inefficient and destructive because decisions by one governmental unit can impose both externalities on its neighbors. Collaborative networks of multiple stakeholders within and across jurisdictions are an increasingly crucial component of regional economic development. In this article, we focus on the emergence of voluntary and self‐organizing network relationships among local governments to address economic development concerns. The motivations and decisions of local actors play a critical role in shaping and implementing regional collaboration. On a micro level, the collaboration choices are shaped by three primary factors: the transaction costs reflected in the configuration of relationships in which an actor is embedded; the organizational similarities (homophily); and the resource dependencies that shape the local actors' preferences for forming relationships with other specific actors. We utilize an exponential random graph model (ERGM) to test hypotheses regarding the most prominent observed patterns of network relationships within and across different organizational sectors. The results demonstrate that both reciprocity and social clustering structures are preferred by both government and nongovernment organizations. These results suggest that interorganizational collaboration for economic development requires more than simple exchange relationships. Rather, network actors may be better served by participating in a densely clustered network that is capable of maintaining credible commitments to collective solutions.