Suchergebnisse

Abstract In Brazil, the sector of events and ceremonies had nearly US$5 billion in revenue in 2015, although more than just money revolves around this market. In this article, I accompany brides and grooms in the process of organizing their wedding celebrations between the geographic and economic extremes of the city of São Paulo. I demonstrate that in the Zona Leste [eastern zone] of the capital, in contrast to stores for the upper classes, the physical space of the market for bridal dresses is constantly claimed as a field of feminine power and that the time for preparation of weddings, in turn, is the materialization of a moral regime that is inclined toward collectivization. From relatives to God, everyone is involved in organizing weddings. Thus, I highlight how the territorial constitution of São Paulo - and the economic nuances impressed in the geographic distribution - alters social dynamics and transforms weddings into particularly distinct enterprises from one side of the city to another.

The research has investigated the role of sexist language, gender stereotypes, and roles prescriptions in the political sphere. It was framed in the tradition of social representations. We have studied the impact of specific linguistic categories – relative both to masculine or feminine declination for a Minister's political office, and to the use of references to stereotypical or counterstereotypical behaviours - on 1) the evaluation of political effectiveness, 2) the associations to the stimulus-words Man/Woman Minister, and 3) the ambivalent sexism towards women (ASI of Glick and Fisk, 1996) and men (AMI, Glick and Fisk, 1999). Participants were 830 genderbalanced Italian citizens (55.3% women) recruited in 2016 on a voluntary basis. The ANOVA model showed that the man minister was judged to be more effective in counter-stereotypical than in stereotypical behaviour; the woman minister was rated as more effective in stereotypical behaviour compared to the man in the same condition The associations presented a more stereotypical orientation, with a negative valence for the man minister than the woman minister.

Women's empowerment issue are contemporary matter in recent time, before Indian independence women has not liberty. Since Indian independence women have get legal rights by the Indian constitution. Therefore women are equal status of our societies and their tremendous success in our social life. Within no discrimination between men and women, basically Women teaching to the children are most urgently needed by virtue of their love and affection for their children. The woman has proved the best teacher in the primary kindergarten school. Nowadays point out "women have a history ; Women are in history." Instead of accepting feminine identity as natural and essential, other social scientists treated it as constructed. This liberating hypothesis stimulated questions about women's unequal position. Women's have unfortunately exploited and deprived long times for our social system and cultural principle, religious perspective and mans mentality. But in recent times women's important role play our political participation, administrative participation, decision making every levels contribute. So we want to analysis historical perspectives of women's and their success of our present society.

This article, refering especially to the España defendida, assures that the death of Felipe II meant the end of glorious counterreformist imperialism involving moral and sexual connotations dealing with masculinity, according to Quevedo's views. On the other hand, the reign of Felipe III, from the very beginning, transmitted a disastrous "feminine" corruption in the politics, society and moral standards of the nation. This view, so pesimistic, was a motivation for his satiric and neostoic works. ; Partiendo sobre todo de España defendida, en este trabajo se sostiene que la muerte de Felipe II representó para Quevedo el final de un glorioso imperialismo contrarreformista con connotaciones de virilidad tanto sexual como "moral", mientras que, desde su comienzo, el reinado de Felipe III aportó, a su entender, una desastrosa corrupción "afeminada" de la política, sociedad y moral de la nación. Se argumenta que esta visión tan sumamente pesimista fue un incentivo crucial tanto para sus obras satíricas como neo estoicas.

Prior sociological research has demonstrated that religious selves are gendered. Using the case of female inmates -some of the most disadvantaged Americans- this article shows that dominant messages constructing the religious self are not only gendered, but also deeply intertwined with race and class. Data from 12 months of ethnographic fieldwork on religion inside a U.S. state women's prison reveal that religious volunteers -predominately middle-class African American women- preached feminine submissiveness and finding a "man of God" to marry to embody religious ideals. However, these messages were largely out of sync with the realities of working class and poor incarcerated women, especially given their temporary isolation from the marriage market and the marital prospects in the socioeconomically disadvantaged neighborhoods to which many would return. These findings suggest that scholars must pay attention to how race, class, and gender define dominant discourses around the religious self and consider the implications for stratification for those who fail to fulfill this dominant ideology.

Modern Supreme Court nomination hearings are contentious political events, as evidenced by the four held during the 109th and 111th Congresses to confirm John Roberts, Samuel Alito, Sonia Sotomayor, and Elena Kagan. Senators appear to raise suspicion of nominees purposefully through their questioning during Judiciary Committee hearings, connecting the label of "judicial restraint" with candidates who are male, white, straight, and prone to "reason." Appointees thought to embody the feminine, nonwhite, queer, and emotional practices of "judicial activism" to offer a contrast. This dichotomous construction has made debates during the nomination process destructively reductive. A paradox thus emerges: by ignoring the importance of descriptive representation, the identity of potential justices to the Supreme Court becomes one of the most salient issues during the hearings; subsequently, this has resulted in senators using cues to create a caricature or "straw man" of nominees belonging to one or more minority groups in order to weaken and discredit otherwise qualified jurists and achieve a party "win" against the White House.

Hair removal amongst Western women is ubiquitous, and research continues to highlight the ongoing conformity of almost all women with hair removal practices. Often women are presented as either cultural dupes, following the expectations of the Western hairless ideal without question, or highly engaged participants in the rigours of aesthetic labour, using it for their own agentic purposes. This paper seeks to explore the various ways that younger women (18–35) made sense of their own and others' hair removal practices. We report on a thematic analysis of data generated from an online (mostly) qualitative survey with 299 female-identified respondents. Four themes were constructed: (1) women should do what they want with their body hair, (2) removing hair is socially shaped, (3) begrudging complicity, and (4) resistance to hair removal norms takes a particular kind of woman. We discuss the ways in which women described their practices and thinking where they seemed simultaneously complicit with and resistant to idealised notions of feminine embodiment.

Abstract
By analysing 200 posts on a Japanese gay dating Bulletin Board System (deai-kei BBS), I investigate how users strategically deploy language to construct desirable identities and "sell themselves" online. Drawing upon both quantitative and qualitative analysis, I demonstrate that users of the BBS creatively manipulate stereotypical identity categories known as Types (taipu) to construct highly nuanced yet specific discourses of the Self and the desired Other. Through a discursive analysis of the strategies users employ to construct their own identities, and the identities of their desired partners, I argue that identity categories marked as masculine and hunky (sawayaka) are privileged as more desirable than feminine and cute (kawaii) identities. Through this analysis, I suggest that users of this particular forum appear to valorise heteronormative masculinity, which they link to being hunky. Furthermore, I argue that being cute is considered undesirable due to its perception as transgressing normative masculine gendered traits.

Abstract
The article will show that in Nights at the Circus, Carter's use of the themes of food consumption and excrement operate as both a grotesque means of emancipation from a feminine point-of-view, and a carnivalesque challenge to subversive patriarchal norms and deconstruction of arbitrary patriarchal hierarchies. By turning the simple act of eating into boisterous spectacle, and by handling a bottle of champagne and water hose in a disturbingly masculine manner, Fevvers transgresses the boundary between masculinity and femininity, sheds the patriarchal constraints imposed upon femininity, and thus achieves agency and emancipation. Since she is not able to acquire biological signifier of masculinity, she achieves the transgression of the binary entirely through the performative carnivalesque. The article will also discuss that the overflowing nature of grotesque femininity (both physical and behavioral) enables the female characters to speak and act at their own will, and thus performs as a means of critiquing Victorian patriarchal cultural norms.

Abstract
Although she is arguably regarded as France's most celebrated designer, Chanel did not train within the classical Parisian haute couture system. This article examines the onetime milliner and couture interloper as a bricoleur, a female 'handyman' who made do with materials at hand to create something new (Claude Levi-Strauss 1966). In the earliest years of her career, Chanel's transformative 'making do' centred on her appropriations of garments and styles that were coded masculine, and these masculine borrowings were foundational in the development of an easily copied Chanel feminine aesthetic – most notably apparent in the little black dress – that was suitable for women's entrée into modernity's heretofore male-identified public sphere. The discussion highlights the role of fashion appropriation in negotiating the gender tensions and ambiguities associated with women's emergence into early twentieth-century life, considering the special case of fashion diffusion that occurs when members of a less-powerful group emulate and appropriate styles from those who are more privileged.

The popularity of Maria de Medeiros's Capitães de Abril [April Captains] (2000) has made it a significant reference point in perceptions and post-memory of the Portuguese revolution. This essay argues that the film presents the 25 April 1974 coup as a restitution of social justice predicated on the long-established notion of Portuguese brandos costumes [gentle customs]. By foregrounding both the April captains' commitment to non-violent regime change, and their attitudes of humility, empathy and good humour, the film opposes them to an authoritarian regime whose arrogant, stubborn and brutal defenders repeatedly traduce 'traditional' national values. The endemic nature of brandos costumes is meanwhile implied by representing army conscripts and the common people as ill-suited to military engagement, but strongly disposed to 'feminine' values of love, solidarity, and compassion. Ultimately, Capitães' appropriation of this national myth revises the gender politics of commemorations of the April Revolution, but reinforces paternalistic conceptions of Portuguese social organisation.

The promotion of British cultural values to which all citizens can and should sign up to has taken on unprecedented urgency and momentum in political and public discourses. This paper explores the meanings and values attached to contemporary forms of Britishness from the perspective of migrant refugee women, and outlines the conflicting interpretations and expectations of different projects of feminine citizenship. Drawing on empirical research it suggests that gendered migrant identities and values are formed and performed in relation to real and imagined understanding of British (white) heterosexual women and can be seen, at least in part, as asserting moral value and distinctiveness. The women invoked migrant cultural pride in the form of caring, community, close family ties and heterosexuality to claim recognition and resist the lack of moral value ascribed to migrant identities. However, this is achieved through a re-inscription of gender identities in which heterosexuality and sexual restraint become technologies of regulation and control.

This article adopts a social interactionist and constructionist approach to analyse humour as a tool for gender construction and deconstruction mainly about two genders, men and women. That is explained by highlighting the relationship between gender (as systems of meaning) and language, followed by over viewing three major standpoints about gender-based differences. These three standpoints are essentialist, social interactionist, and social constructionist approach. Further, I will discuss the importance of various variables like social, political and cultural backdrops in determining a "gender- based" mode of discourse. The article will conclude that socio-cultural context is very important to understand the role of feminist humour in gender construction and deconstruction. The point has been made that humour is used as a tool in the same gender and mix gender scenarios and social interactions to construct and deconstruct 'masculine men' (how a "Man" is supposed to behave) and 'feminine women' (how a "Woman" is supposed to behave). This process also mirrors the prevailing social constructions of gender.

La mujer ha sido considerada durante muchos años de la historia un sector atrasado de la sociedad, un sector destinado a la reproducción de la especie y al cuidado del hogar y de la familia. Pero la historia ha reflejado la lucha que desde distintos movimientos sociales han pretendido la equiparación entre géneros. Está comunicación está centrada en el papel que durante la República ha tenido el género femenino, sus condiciones en esta etapa política y sus progresos hacia una era mejor. ; The woman has been respected for many years of the history a backward sector of the society, a sector destined to the reproduction of the species and to tend the home and the family. But the history has showed the fight that since different social movements have tried to equal among kinds. This work is about the paper that during the Republic has had the feminine kind, its conditions in this political phase and its progresses toward an age better.

The main focus of the current study is the role of periodicals in the emancipation of the woman in a modernizing Bulgarian society. From a social and political perspective, female virtues, rights and duties become an object of varied debates in Bulgaria at the end of the 19th – beginning of the 20th centuries. Women's newspapers and magazines participate actively in these debates whilst familiarizing their female readers with the ideas and struggles of women in Western Europe, presenting diverse philosophical concepts, and discussing established cultural models. In these periodicals there appear materials which endeavour to cultivate models of emancipative behaviour; these publications include translations and authentic literature with a "feminine" axis. Female identity in this period gets formed within respective periodicals and the circles clinging to them, and it comes to represent a complex entity of, on the one hand, radical concepts stressing equality and female rights, and, on the other, conservative perceptions of the place of the woman in the modern household environment.