Wer, wie Hassan Rohani, den Hauptfeind des Iran nicht in Amerika oder Israel sieht, sondern in Arbeitslosigkeit oder Umweltkatastrophen, der macht sich bei den Hardlinern im Land nicht unbedingt beliebt. Die Hardliner sind mächtig, und sie werden immer mehr. So bedauerlich das ist: Allzu große Hoffnungen sollte man auf den Präsidenten nicht setzen. (IP)
"The term career is generally defined as a sequence of positions. During the time period in question, 1850-1940, the sequence and level of the steps for the different academic careers in Germany align more and more. With the help of the new data presented in this article it is now possible to draw quantitative comparisons between the academic careers over longer periods of time, which until now could not be presented universally. The data are presented in a way which shows the manifold of its usefulness. First the various factors influencing differences in growth will be analyzed: demographic, secular and career factors. Then the available graduates of these careers will be explored in terms of how the final examinations, the failure ratio and the final marks developed. Finally the development of another important factor, namely the age structure will be described. Supply and demand are interdependent and lead to periodic fluctuations, which in addition to the other growth factors have an influence on career development." (author's abstract)
'Die Anschläge am 11. September 2001 in den USA, die Anschläge in Madrid am 11. März 2004 und London am 7. Juli 2005, der Mord an Theo van Gogh am 2. November 2004, aber auch Anschläge auf Moscheen, z.B. in Linz, Wolfenbüttel oder Usingen, haben das Thema Religion wieder auf die Agenda der Medien und der öffentlichen Diskussion gesetzt. Überspitzt formuliert führen diese Ereignisse dazu, dass aus 'den Türken' oder 'den Algeriern' in Europa 'Muslime' werden. Die religiösen Differenzen zwischen einheimischer und zugewanderter Bevölkerung werden verstärkt betont, wobei hier insbesondere die Differenz zwischen der christlich-abendländischen und der islamisch-morgenländischen Tradition hervorgehoben wird. Beobachter konstatieren jedoch auch einen Wandel innerhalb der Christenheit. Verwiesen wird in diesem Zusammenhang auf das enorme Interesse und die intensive Anteilnahme am Tod von Johannes Paul II., der Wahl von Joseph Kardinal Ratzinger zu seinem Nachfolger sowie an dessen Auftritt auf dem Weltjugendtag in Köln im August 2005. Im Kontrast zum Medienecho dieser Ereignisse stehen die Ergebnisse empirischer Studien zur Entwicklung der Religiosität in Deutschland und Europa. Diese kommen übereinstimmend zu dem Befund einer religiösen Säkularisierung, in deren Verlauf religiöse Vorstellungen ihre Prägekraft für das Leben der Menschen verlieren. Der vorliegende Beitrag wird einige dieser Befunde replizieren und gleichzeitig fragen, ob es Anzeichen für ein Wiedererwachen des Religiösen gibt.' (Autorenreferat)
In the last few years, a complex and polycentric debate on marginal territories has taken shape, rekindling attention on the inner areas and the urban peripheries, where contradictions, inequalities and conflicts materialize, but where old and new forms of solidarity and social innovation are also activated and reactivated. This double essence shows only part of the complexity of these urban frontiers, which cannot be represented with a one single perspective. This essay aims at providing a contribution to this debate, examining the results of a case study carried out in a suburban area of Rome, observing two phenomena: the processes of marginalization, concentration of poverty, social disorganization, and political disaffection; the genesis of criminal phenomena, the urban security and law enforcement policies. The case study focuses on Montespaccato, in the north-west outskirts of the Capital. A borgata built at the beginning of the 1900s, during the urban expansion in the Roman countryside, which today has the characteristics of an urban frontier, an area with vague social boundaries, a lack of places of attraction and opportunities, as well as an urban configuration lacking compared to the needs of the inhabitants. In this scenario, recent judicial inquiries have shown the presence of organized crime groups, capable of territorial control executed through the threat but also the use of violence, leading to a subjugation of the local economy. To understand the coexistence of these phenomena, the case study aims at understanding the construction (or production) of territoriality in a Roman borgata in a social and historical key, meaning the territory as a constantly acted and (re) built process in its socio-cultural, political, economic, and ecological dimensions. Our thesis is that criminal phenomena must be situated in the historical process of transformation of the periphery and in the rupture of the community. Spontaneism, informality, disobedience and anti-politics have over time connoted the active periphery of the borgata making a "center on the edge". The processes of modernization, individualization and secularization, the rupture of the community ties of provenance have fuelled the urban polarity by marginalizing the suburbs, reducing the spontaneous social control and the levers for regulating public life by the public and private institutions of the territory. ; Negli ultimi anni è tornato vivace il dibattito sui territori marginali, dove si materializzano contraddizioni, disuguaglianze e conflitti, ma anche forme di solidarietà e di innovazione sociale. Questa doppia valenza restituisce solo una parte della complessità dei margini, da conoscere dall'interno, non riconducibili a un unico modello. Il saggio proposto si inserisce in questo dibattito, restituendo i risultati di uno studio di caso in un'area ai margini di Roma, osservandone due fenomeni: i processi di marginalizzazione, concentrazione dello svantaggio, disorganizzazione sociale e disaffezione politica; la genesi di fenomeni criminali, il tema della sicurezza urbana e delle politiche di contrasto. Siamo a Montespaccato, borgata a nord-ovest della Capitale, sorta all'inizio del Novecento, nella fase di espansione romana verso l'agro. Oggi presenta le caratteristiche di una frontiera urbana, un'area dai confini sociali vaghi, dalla carenza di luoghi di attrazione e di opportunità, oltre a una configurazione urbanistica complicata. In questo scenario, recenti indagini giudiziarie mostrano la presenza di gruppi di criminalità organizzata che presidiano il territorio attraverso piazze di spaccio, assumendo competenze di regolazione sociale (dirimere conflitti, garantire sicurezza) ed economica (distribuire lavoro e altri benefit). Allo stesso tempo, la borgata è stata sede di attivazione e riattivazione per molteplici ed eterogenee esperienze che negli anni alimentano reti sociali e appartenenza. Per comprendere questa coesistenza, attraverso lo studio di caso abbiamo tentato di indagare come si costruisce una borgata e quali sono i contesti di genesi socio-spaziale dell'illegalità urbana. La tesi di fondo è che i fenomeni criminali vadano compresi nel processo storico di trasformazione della periferia e di rottura della comunità. Spontaneismo, informalità, disobbedienza e antipolitica hanno nel tempo connotato una perifericità attiva delle borgate facendone un "centro ai margini". I processi di modernizzazione, individualizzazione e secolarizzazione, la rottura dei legami comunitari di provenienza hanno alimentato la polarità urbana marginalizzando le borgate, riducendo il controllo sociale spontaneo e le leve di regolazione della vita pubblica da parte delle istituzioni pubbliche e private del territorio.
The article is devoted to a critical study of the vision of Ukrainian theologians of the possible prospects for the development of spiritual education in Ukraine in connection with the general changes expected by various theologians in the position of religion in the national public space, identifying what is really connected with the potential for further positive changes in Ukrainian theology and spiritual education. Ukrainian theologians and their supporters among researchers associate positive prospects for the development of spiritual education with new opportunities that the postmodern or post-postmodern worldview supposedly provides. The present is assessed as a post-secular state of sociality, as religion returns to the public sphere. In this regard, the author criticizes the dualism of the secular and the religious characteristic of modernity, the modern identification of the social with the secular, and the attribution of the religious exclusively to the private sphere of life. Ukrainian theologians and their supporters believe that the crisis of secularization theories and the return of religion to the public sphere themselves legitimize the existence of theology as a science and the recognition of spiritual education as part of the national educational space. Legal recognition of theology in 2014 opened up opportunities for the legitimization of theological ideas in general scientific discourse, but it turned out that even political theology and theology of education can only offer rather limited projects that develop the ideas of Western postmodern neo-Augustinianism. The situation is aggravated by the dominance in a significant number of seminaries and in a large number of specific branches of theology "theology of repetition", due to the inability to offer their own Christian democratic ideas, due to the refusal to create a social teaching that would meet the complex challenges of our time. The analysis shows that today those confessional systems of spiritual education in Ukraine, which are provided by leading research institutes, have sustainable development. These institutes create high-quality scientific products, set the general high level of teaching and learning, and train highly qualified personnel. Thus, it is the modern educational technology of the creation by a certain denomination (or their associations, as in the case of Protestants) of the main scientific and educational center, which acts in accordance with all national and world standards of education and science, that makes it possible to justify theology and create conditions for the development of all ordinary elements of confessional systems of spiritual education. ; Стаття присвячена критичному дослідженню бачення українськими богословами можливих перспектив розвитку духовної освіти в Україні у зв'язку із очікуваними різними теологами загальними змінами позиції релігії у національному публічному просторі, виявленню того, з чим у дійсності пов'язаний потенціал подальших позитивних змін в українській теології та духовній освіті. Українські богослови та їх симпатики серед дослідників позитивні перспективи розвитку духовної освіти пов'язують із новими можливостями, які нібито надає світогляд постмодерну або пост-постмодерну. Сьогодення оцінюється як постсекулярний стан соціальності, оскільки релігія повертається у публічну сферу. У зв'язку з цим критикується характерний для модерну дуалізм світського і релігійного, модерне ототожнення соціального із світським і віднесення релігійного виключно до приватної сфери життя. Українські богослови та їх симпатики вважають, що самі по собі криза теорій секуляризації та повернення релігії у публічну сферу легітимізують існування богослов'я як науки та визнання духовної освіти як частини загальнонаціонального освітнього простору. Правове визнання богослов'я у 2014 році відкрило можливості для легітимізації богословських ідей у загальнонауковому дискурсі, але виявилося, що навіть політичне богослов'я та теологія освіти можуть запропонувати лише доволі обмежені проекти, що розвивають ідеї західного постмодерного неоавгустіанства. Ситуація погіршується через панування у значній кількості семінарій та у великій кількості конкретних напрямків богослов'я «теології повторення», через неспроможність запропонувати власні християнсько-демократичні ідеї, через відмову від створення соціальне вчення, яке б відповідало складним викликам сьогодення. Здійснений аналіз доводить, що сьогодні сталий розвиток мають ті конфесійні системи духовної освіти Україні, які забезпечені лідерськими науково-дослідницькими інституціями. Ці інституції створюють наукову продукцію високої якості, задають загальний високий рівень викладання і навчання, здійснюють підготовку кадрів вищої кваліфікації. Таким чином, саме модерна освітня технологія створення певної конфесією (чи їх об'єднанням як у випадку протестантів) головного наукового і навчального центру, який діє за всіма національними і світовими стандартами освіти та науки, дозволяє лемітимізувати богослов'я та створити умови для розвитку всіх елементів конфесійних систем духовної освіти.
Over the past hundred years, the secularization thesis has allowed religion to be left aside when analyzing economic development, evolution of political regimes, or, for example, the peculiarities of state structure in any country. But today religion is becoming an increasingly significant force, the church is regaining its lost positions. Scientists have counted four stages of desecularization, the last of which began on September 11, 2001 and has been continuing to this day. The World Wide Web has challenged the Church by creating an otherworldly (surreal or virtual) world. And the church humbly accepted its existence, just as it recognized the presence of a man in space, next to God. And all this follows one goal— to be close to the own flock. The massive fascination of people with computers, gadgets and the virtual world, including believers, led the Church to understand the obvious fact: the virtualization of being is a long process and can become useful. Using the examples of religious organizations activity on the Internet, the question is investigated: what will ultimately result in their presence in the virtual world— in a person's cognition of a new (digital) formation in order to effectively keep it in his bosom, or will it become a reason for a new wave of desecularization in the postindustrial world? The analysis of the content of the sites of the main confessions in Ukraine showed a more secular nature of the activities of religious organizations in comparison with the time before the emergence of the Internet. Their relations with all spheres— government, business, army, society have become public and stronger. The author came to the conclusion that the Church, as the personification of the main confessions, accepted virtual reality as a fact because believers have loved it. For the first time in the history of the Church, the attitude to a new phenomenon— virtual space— was dictated to her by believers. 2. In preInternet history, the Church fought for the "souls" of people. With the adoption of virtual space, human brains became its target. Using information technologies, computers, gadgets, smartphones and virtual space, the Church is fighting to remain an influential force in our time. 3. The content of the sites of religious organizations in Ukraine reflects a different level of trust (internal resistance, selfcensorship) to the World Wide Web. They can be conditionally divided into three types. The first one— organizations fill websites like personal diaries, inspiring confidence with texts and illustrations of the church life of priests and parishioners. The second one— organizations use websites only for posting sermons, information about holidays, rituals, testimonies of a righteous life and so on. The third type of sites is a business card, which only declares the presence of an organization on the Internet: information about the chapter, about the organization, the schedule of current events and contact information. Accordingly, the first type has the highest traffic (site traffic), the latter has the lowest. 4. Common to all of them (with the exception of the UOCMP) is the attitude towards the armed conflict in the East of the country (support for the institution of chaplaincy, guardianship of family members of military personnel who died in the combat zone, support of civilians that are suffering from hostilities, etc.) and to the unification of Orthodox communities into a single local church— the OCU (with the exception of the UOCMP and the UOCKP). ; Висловлено твердження, згідно з яким упродовж більше ста років теза про секуляризації дозволяла виносити релігію за дужки під час аналізу економічного розвитку, еволюції політичних режимів або, наприклад, особливостей того чи іншого державного устрою. Але наразі релігія стає дедалі більш значущою силою, церква повертає втрачені позиції. Дослідники виокремили чотири етапи десекуляризації, останній з яких розпочався 11вересня 2001 р. і триває понині. Процесам десекуляризації сприяє масове захоплення людей комп'ютерами, гаджетами і віртуальним світом; зокрема йдеться і про вірян, що змусило Церкву зрозуміти очевидний факт: віртуалізація буття буде тривалою і може стати корисною. На прикладах діяльності релігійних організацій в Інтернеті досліджується питання: у що зрештою виллється їх присутність у віртуальному світі— пізнання людини нової (цифрової) формації з метою подальшого ефективного утримання її у своєму лоні або ж привід для нової хвилі десекуляризації в постіндустріальному світі.
Politics and religion in the western culture, in the perspective of democracy and from the horizon of christianism, have been closely interwined, because both depend on how mankind see himself and the world around him. However, one of the main characteristics of democracy, the most commonly accepted political system in the world nowadays, is its secularization. Democracy does not allow thrones, and the religion has been reduced to one of many possibilities that individuals may choose as a way of living their lives. Next, the whole political system implies a different religion and vice versa. Democracy is not, in fact, the moment of the end of religion, but a complete reshaping of the religious experience that could become the more authentic of all. To examine the mutual dependence between politics and religion from the worldview that humanity has upon himself in the context of democracy assuming the proposed challenge to religious freedom from a political horizon that sets as task the guidance towards peace. ; La política y la religión en occidente en la perspectiva de la democracia y desde horizonte del cristianismo, siempre han estado estrechamente relacionadas, en tanto ambas dependen de la manera en la que el hombre se ve a sí mismo y al mundo que lo rodea. Pero una de las características principales de la democracia, el sistema político mayormente aceptado en el mundo de hoy es su secularización. La democracia ya no permite tronos, y la religión ha sido reducida a una posibilidad de tantas que tienen los individuos al momento de elegir cómo quieren vivir sus vidas. Pero todo sistema político implica una religión diferente y viceversa. La democracia no es, de hecho, el momento del fin de la religión, sino una reconfiguración absoluta de la experiencia religiosa que podría llegar a ser considerada la más auténtica de todas. Investigar la mutua dependencia entre política y religión a partir de la cosmovisión que el hombre tiene de sí mismo en el contexto de la democracia asumiendo el desafío planteado a la libertad religiosa desde el horizonte político que se propone como tarea el camino de la paz. ; La politique et la religion en Occident dans la perspective de la démocratie et à l'horizon du christianisme ont toujours été étroitement liées, dans la mesure où toutes deux dépendent de la façon dont l'homme se voit lui-même et voit le monde qui l'entoure. Mais l'une des principales caractéristiques de la démocratie, le système politique le plus largement accepté dans le monde actuel, est sa sécularisation. La démocratie ne permet plus les trônes, et la religion a été réduite à l'une des nombreuses possibilités qui s'offrent aux individus lorsqu'il s'agit de choisir comment ils veulent vivre leur vie. Mais tout système politique implique une religion différente et vice versa. La démocratie n'est pas, en fait, le moment de la fin de la religion, mais une reconfiguration absolue de l'expérience religieuse qui pourrait être considérée comme la plus authentique de toutes. Étudier la dépendance mutuelle entre la politique et la religion basée sur la cosmovision que l'homme a de lui-même dans le contexte de la démocratie en assumant le défi posé à la liberté religieuse, à partir de l'horizon politique se proposant comme tâche le chemin de la paix. ; A política e a religião em ocidente na perspectiva da democracia e desde horizonte do cristianismo, sempre tem sido estreitamente relacionada, entanto as duas dependem da maneira em que a homem se vê a si mesmo e ao mondo que o rodeia. Mas uma das características principais da democracia no sistema político maiormente aceitado no mundo de hoje é sua secularização. A democracia não permite trones e a religião tem sido reduzida a uma possibilidade de tantas que tem os indivíduos ao momento de escolher como querem viver suas vidas. Mas todo sistema político implica uma religião diferente e vice-versa. A democracia não é, de fato, o momento do fim da religião, senão uma reconfiguração absoluta da experiencia religiosa que poderia chegar a ser considerada a mais autentica de todas. Pesquisar a mutua dependência entre política e religião a partir da cosmovisão que a homem tem de si mesmo no contexto da democracia assumindo o desafio proposto como liberdade religiosa desde o horizonte político que se propor como tarefa no caminho da paz.
This article is dedicated to identifying the main characteristics of the rational choice approach and its heuristic potential in the study of international relations. Determined that in a globalized one of the main tasks of political theory and practice is the search for patterns of political interaction, which would take into account the interests of regional, national and global actors and their actions effectively melted the rational global politics.Determined that the study of the mechanisms of self-regulation of the political system, the mutual influence of informed, rational and motivated individual and collective political actors at various levels and for determining the political economic failures is important areas of policy research.The objectives of political science in the study of international relations should include an analysis of the political transformation of the market (in three interrelated dimensions - global, national and regional), determining the boundaries of state influence on politics and development trends of democratic political regime.Argued that rationality is the one of the fundamentals of modern development, democratic political institutions. Without rationalizing is impossible to imagine the processes of secularization and liberalization of economic, political and media spaces, formation and development of the rule of law and civil society, professional management (bureaucracy), public policy, science and education, technological progress.Determined that the theory of rational choice refers to the sphere of values. The rationality of science, engineering and law, economic and political activities is the basis of European civilization.Argued that the rationality of the modern world accepts new challenges through the development process of mediatization, the emergence of new global economic and political actors, environmental problems.In studies of international relations and foreign policy process of rational choice theory rapidly developing areas such as the theory of negotiation to resolve conflicts and hostilities, combating the activities of international terrorist groups and organizations, international organizations functioning in the context of globalization.Determined that the rational actions of individual and collective political actors in international relations are based on the awareness and analyticity, the political situation is to actions of individuals as rational choice under conditions of globalization lies in assessing the cost and benefits of mandatory considering individual preferences and collective actors. That comes to understanding instrumental rationality, according to which individuals might balance their expected benefits and costs of trying to maximize the first and minimize the latter.Argued that globalization creates a number of challenges for the study of international relations through the prism of rational choice:- Definition of «global» interest, which allows to reconcile individual, group and national interests, problematic transformation of individual interest to the group, and national interests – to the global;- Temporal deficiency in the implementation of policy choices in the «fast» global world;- Dispersion of benefits. With the globalization of every actor gets a small share of the benefits in which he participates to meet the interest of the global community and therefore has no motive for entering the space of global interaction;- The need to find new forms of political participation and control over global actors, provide feedback and participation in shaping the global agenda.Argued that political theory formed quite skeptical of the theory of rational choice in the form in which it is represented in the model of «economic man». Talk about public choice theory with its inherent limited rationality. This approach allows for a more critical approach to understanding the principles of global economic and political market, which is interpreted not as a result of natural, free from interference structure as a result of planning and creating the appropriate legal framework and political institutions. ; Статья посвящена определению основных характеристик подхода рационального выбора и его эвристического потенциала в исследованиях международных отношений. Определено, что в условиях глобализации одной из основных задач политической теории и практики выступает поиск модели политического взаимодействия, которая бы учитывала интересы региональных, национальных и глобальных актеров в рациональной глобальной политике. ; Статтю присвячено визначенню основних характеристик підходу раціонального вибору та його евристичного потенціалу в дослідженнях міжнародних відносин. Визначено, що в умовах глобалізації одним із основних завдань політичної теорії та практики виступає пошук моделі політичної взаємодії, яка би враховувала інтереси регіональних, національних та глобальних акторів у раціональній глобальній політиці.
This article traces the origins and development of about 140 new religious male and female congregations, established in Italy during the Nineteenth century. Starting from the Restoration period, the article frames the actions and choices of the new religious congregations with reference to the new scenarios produced by the revolutionary experience and by the changes introduced in ecclesiastical legislation and in the relations between State and Church during the Napoleonic era. At the same time, it deals with the unusual challenges the Church had to face due to both the secularization of mentality and customs and the increased educational needs and welfare of the post-revolutionary period. The author analyses some characteristics of these new religious institutions, most of which chose as privileged —and sometimes exclusive— activity of their apostolate the assistance (of poor and sick people, and of abandoned children and youth), the catechesis and animation of religious life in the parishes and, above all, the education of youth of both sexes and of different social classes. Firstly, the author describes the aspect related to the general adoption of the structure of religious congregations, which provides unequivocal evidence of the prevalence, also on the female side, of the traditional monastic model, of a vocation to religious life understood essentially as an active life devoted to charity, a synthesis between action and prayer, a commitment in the world through the assistance of others. The author's reconstruction also shows how the idea of charity promoted by the new religious congregations was understood not simply as a commitment to provide assistance, but also, and above all, as an educational responsibility. Indeed, the new religious congregations considered education, school and parish catechesis as the most effective tools for Christians' education. At the same time, school and education were also seen as the most direct and useful tool for relieving poverty and overcoming the marginalisation of the poorer classes and as the most effective tool for facilitating the successful integration of young working class men and women into society. ; El artículo describe los orígenes y el desarrollo de cerca de 140 nuevas congregaciones religiosas de hombres y mujeres que surgieron en Italia en el siglo XIX. El artículo enmarca, comenzando desde la Restauración, las acciones y elecciones de las nuevas congregaciones religiosas, haciendo referencia a los nuevos escenarios que se plantearon a raíz de la experiencia revolucionaria y de los cambios introducidos en la legislación eclesiástica y en las relaciones entre Estado e Iglesia durante la época napoleónica. Asimismo, se tratan los desafíos inusuales que la Iglesia tuvo que afrontar debido tanto a la secularización de la mentalidad y de las costumbres, como al aumento de las necesidades educativas y el bienestar de la época postrevolucionaria. El autor explora algunas de las dimensiones y características de estas nuevas instituciones religiosas, la mayoría de las cuales eligió como actividad privilegiada —y a veces exclusiva— de su apostolado el ayudar a los pobres, a los enfermos y a los niños y jóvenes abandonados; la catequesis y el impulso de la vida religiosa en las parroquias y, por encima de todo, la educación e instrucción de los jóvenes de ambos sexos y de diferentes clases sociales. En primer lugar, el autor describe el aspecto relativo a la adopción general de la estructura de las congregaciones religiosas, que proporciona una evidencia inequívoca de la prevalencia, también en el lado femenino, del modelo monástico tradicional, de la vocación de la vida religiosa entendida básicamente como una vida activa dedicada a la caridad, una síntesis entre la acción y la oración, el compromiso con el mundo a través de la ayuda a los demás. La reconstrucción propuesta por el autor muestra también cómo la idea de caridad promovida por las nuevas congregaciones religiosas seentendió no solo como un compromiso de proporcionar asistencia, sino también, sobre todo, como una responsabilidad educativa. De hecho, las nuevas congregaciones religiosas consideraron la educación, la escuela y la catequesis parroquial como las herramientas más eficaces para la educación de los cristianos. Al mismo tiempo, la escuela y la educación también fueron consideradas como la herramienta más directa y funcional para paliar la pobreza y superar la marginación de las clases más pobres, así como el instrumento más eficaz para facilitar la integración de jóvenes, hombres y mujeres, de la clase obrera en la sociedad
Das Prinzip der Trennung von Religion und Politik, das längst als Standardantwort auf die Frage nach der Legitimität der religionspolitischen Ordnung im demokratischen Verfassungsstaat gilt, wird in dieser Studie einer kritischen Überprüfung unterzogen. Ahmet Cavuldak rekonstruiert die Entstehungsgeschichte der religionspolitischen Ordnungen Frankreichs, der USA und Deutschlands entlang der wichtigsten Schwellenepochen und Aushandlungsprozesse. Anhand der Werke von Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Alexis de Tocqueville und Jürgen Habermas stellt er drei »exemplarische« Antworten auf die Frage nach dem rechten Verhältnis von Religion und Politik in der Demokratie vor. Diese ideengeschichtliche Auseinandersetzung mündet in eine systematische Diskussion der zur Rechtfertigung der Trennung von Religion und Politik genannten Gründe. Schließlich wird die Frage aufgeworfen, ob - und wenn ja, inwiefern - die religionspolitischen Lernprozesse des europäischen, lateinchristlich geprägten Erfahrungsraumes auf andere Regionen und Religionen der Welt übertragen werden können.
In fast allen arabischen Staaten gibt es mittlerweile das Frauenwahlrecht. Von gleichberechtigter Teilhabe sind die Frauen aber oft weit entfernt. Das Spannungsfeld zwischen Religionsgesetz und (semi-)säkularem Staat bildet das Haupthindernis für die Umsetzung ihrer Rechte. (APuZ)
