This article shows how Christmas in schools and public service media for children (PSM) involves negotiation and renewal of Christian cultural heritage. Across the studied cases from Norway and Denmark, we find that the institutions involved seek to realize community. However, community is approached differently in different settings. It is either understood restoratively as a process in which children, including immigrant children, become part of an existing societal community, or constructively as establishing an inclusive community across cultural and religious divides. A major finding is that activities associated with Christianity such as school services are framed in a language of 'museumification' and not as part of a living religious practice with the capacity to change and transform. Whereas Islam is positioned as a 'religious other', Christianity understood as culture facilitates creative heritage making, establishing community across religious divides. Contrary to political rhetoric, Christian cultural heritage in schools and PSM is by and large not dominated by a safeguarding nationalistic discourse. Rather, traditions and activities related to Christianity are negotiated and appropriated for the benefit of an inclusive community. A premise for making this succeed in schools and PSM is to negotiate Christian cultural heritage as culture, not as religion.
This article addresses how a formative process for citizen participation affects the meanings, practices, and transformations of the local youth political culture in the city of Medellín, Colombia, presenting analyses derived from a research work supported by qualitative methodological strategies. The results show that the project manages to establish a field of political socialization where young male and women are positioned as agents of transformation of their territories through the training act they conduct, and the exercise of political practices that are interwoven with the scenarios of local participation and youth expressions in which the subjectivities, affections, and aesthetics experienced from their condition of youth are crucial. ; El artículo aborda cómo un proceso formativo para la participación ciudadana incide en los sentidos, prácticas y transformaciones de la cultura política juvenil local de la ciudad de Medellín, Colombia. Presenta los análisis derivados de una investigación soportada en estrategias metodológicas cualitativas. Los resultados atienden a que el proyecto logra establecer un campo de socialización política en el que los y las jóvenes se sitúan como agentes de transformación de sus territorios mediante el acto formativo que dinamizan y el ejercicio de prácticas políticas que se entretejen con los escenarios de participación local y de expresión juvenil en el que las subjetividades, afectos y estéticas que vivencian desde su condición de juventud resultan determinantes. ; O artigo aborda como um processo formativo para a participação cidadã afeta os significados, práticas e transformações da cultura política juvenil local da cidade de Medellín, Colômbia. Apresenta as análises derivadas de uma pesquisa sustentada em estratégias metodológicas qualitativas. Os resultados mostram que o projeto consegue estabelecer um campo de socialização política no qual os e as jovens se situam como agentes de transformação de seus territórios através do ato formativo que dinamizam e do exercício ...
The main objective of this article is to explain the concept of citizen participation and its education. In our changing, global and digital society in which the democratization of knowledge is a reality, educational challenges are increasing. This article emphasizes the importance to include, in the subject of Social Sciences in Primary and in the subject of Geography and History in Secondary levels, a specific education to teach how to participate offline and online. ; Se presenta una aproximación al concepto de participación ciudadana y su educación. En una sociedad cambiante, global, digital en la que la democratización del conocimiento ya es una realidad, se acrecientan los retos educativos. Se incide en la importancia de incorporar en la asignatura de Ciencias Sociales en Primaria y de Geografía e Historia en Secundaria una educación para saber participar de manera offline y online.
A transparent government is one that publishes timely in open data the activity of its different organizations, either to respond to the requirements of citizens or on its own initiative. This guarantees not only to put an end to corruption but to guarantee the right of citizens to know what governments do with their taxes. This study aims to select and review various sources of information on the subject of digital government, a strategy that involves open data and transparency, in order to identify the most important aspects and trends of the new technologies applied to government entities, as well as the implications that can lead to decision making and the improvement of the services provided by the government to its citizens. The methodological process was carried out following the steps of a documentary review based on different sources according to eight categories associated with digital government. As a conclusion of the study, it is possible to affirm that the influence and adoption of digital government in different countries contributes to bringing citizens closer to the state, increasing transparency and improving services. ; Un gobierno transparente es aquel que, oportunamente, publica datos abiertos de las actividades de sus diferentes organismos, bien sea para dar respuesta a los requerimientos de la ciudadanía o bien por iniciativa propia. Con esto se busca no solo poner un alto a la corrupción sino también garantizar el derecho de los ciudadanos a conocer lo que hacen los gobiernos con sus impuestos. Este estudio tiene como objeto la selección y revisión de diversas fuentes de información acerca del tema del gobierno digital, estrategia que involucra los datos abiertos, y con ello la transparencia, con el fin de identificar los aspectos y tendencias más importantes de las nuevas tecnologías aplicadas a las entidades gubernamentales, así como las implicaciones en cuanto a la toma de decisiones y a la mejora de los servicios que el gobierno presta a sus ciudadanos. El proceso metodológico se llevó a cabo siguiendo los pasos de una revisión documental de diversas fuentes de acuerdo con ocho categorías asociadas al gobierno digital. Como conclusión del estudio es posible afirmar que la influencia y adopción del gobierno digital en diferentes países contribuye a acercar a los ciudadanos con el estado, aumentado la transparencia y mejorando los servicios.
Nowadays, scientific and reliable indexes are lacking for showing the efficiency of current governments. These indexes should guide our attitudes and behaviors of political participation, instead of the vague references and the incomplete cognitive processes that currently do it. The present work means the implementation of a more global initiative of scientific analysis of political measures. An analysis of crime indices has been carried out over time. It has been taken into account the application of political measures, which helps to explain the variations of these indices. The study design is quasi-experimental (with comparison of the aforementioned indices over the years) and correlational (of these indices with indices of wealth, inequality or international crime, among others). In the case of the Republic of Ecuador and for the crime rates studied, it can be affirmed that the government's policy measures during the period 2010-2016 were effective. ; En la actualidad, se carece de índices científicos y fidedignos que muestren la eficiencia de los actuales gobiernos. Estos índices son los que deberían guiar nuestras actitudes y conductas de participación política, en lugar de las referencias vagas y los procesos cognitivos incompletos que lo hacen actualmente. El presente trabajo significa la puesta en marcha de una iniciativa más global de análisis científico de la política. Se ha llevado a cabo un análisis de índices de criminalidad a lo largo del tiempo y precisando la instauración de medidas políticas que ayudan a explicar las variaciones de dichos índices. El diseño de estudio es cuasi-experimental (con comparación de los susodichos índices a lo largo de los años) y correlacional (de dichos índices con índices de riqueza, desigualdad o criminalidad internacional, entre otros). En el caso de la República del Ecuador y para los índices de criminalidad estudiados, se puede afirmar que las medidas políticas del gobierno durante el periodo 2010-2016 fueron efectivas.
This article proposes a rereading of John Dewey with the intention of analyzing and proposing some solutions to the current crisis of representative or liberal democracy. This crisis is related to contradictory globalizing processes that, on the one hand, nourish a futuristic utopia entrusted to technological progress, and on the other, regresses to the nostalgic, emotional and tribal. This rereading focuses on some foundational works of Dewey, but especially on Democracy and Education and other educational texts. The article develops a series of arguments that revolve around the idea of «creative democracy», which Dewey developed in his maturity, as a valuable reference for a desirable reactivation of democracy, understood as an ethical ideal. ; Este artículo plantea una relectura de John Dewey con la intención de analizar y dar algunas respuestas a la actual crisis de la democracia representativa o liberal. Esta crisis guarda relación con procesos globalizadores contradictorios que, de un lado, alimentan una utopía futurista confiada en el progreso tecnológico, y de otro, el regreso "retrotópico", nostálgico y emocional, a lo tribal. Esta relectura se centra en obras fundamentales de Dewey, pero especialmente Democracia y Educación y otros textos de carácter pedagógico. El artículo desarrolla una serie de argumentos que concluyen en torno a la idea de "democracia creativa", que Dewey planteó en su madurez, como referencia para una deseable reactivación de la democracia entendida como ideal ético.
Abstract The Democrats and Republicans of Jaén initiated numerous social, cultural, political and economic initiatives to politicize the popular and working classes of the province and to encourage them join the Republican cause, the cause of democracy. However, these practices were not welcomed by the monarchist sectors, and far from favoring the political participation of the opposition groups and the development of the citizens' rights, they retreated on themselves, and they exercised all type of violence and abuses against the republicans. This text highlights the difficulties these sectors encountered in carrying out their project and their policy initiatives. ; Los demócratas y republicanos de Jaén pusieron en marcha numerosas iniciativas –sociales, culturales, políticas y económicas– para politizar a las clases populares y trabajadoras de la provincia y para que se unieran a la causa republicana, a la causa de la democracia. Sin embargo, los sectores monárquicos no reconocieron ni asumieron las prácticas y demandas republicanas, y lejos de favorecer su participación política y ampliar los derechos ciudadanos se replegaron sobre sí mismas, y ejercieron todo tipo de violencias y atropellos contra los republicanos. Este texto subraya las dificultades que encontraron estos sectores para llevar a cabo su proyecto e iniciativas políticas. AbstractThe Democrats and Republicans of Jaén initiated numerous social, cultural, political and economic initiatives to politicize the popular and working classes of the province and to encourage them join the Republican cause, the cause of democracy. However, these practices were not welcomed by the monarchist sectors, and far from favoring the political participation of the opposition groups and the development of the citizens' rights, they retreated on themselves, and they exercised all type of violence and abuses against the republicans. This text highlights the difficulties these sectors encountered in carrying out their project and their policy initiatives.
This research, which focuses on some aspects that link the digital life of university students and their civic, political and social involvement, aims to determine the level of engagement of young people in association-related actions or institutions through digital networks. Additionally, this paper attempts to specify the relationship between the level of social/political participation of this sector of the population and the interest of its members in the social media profiles of civically engaged subjects or organizations. It also looks at differences in access and interactivity in profiles with social and/or participatory interest between young people with some degree of civic commitment and those who are not involved any associations. While the data obtained through a convenience sample support, once again, youth disaffection towards institutionalized politics, the high intensity of digital access among all young people is confirmed, which a priori increases the possibilities of making civil society stronger. However, the intensive use of social networks by young people is not positively associated with a greater degree of civic involvement. Finally, it is observed that young people prefer to consume content rather than to produce it. ; Aquesta investigació, que té per objecte d'estudi alguns aspectes que vinculen la vida digital dels universitaris i la seva implicació ciutadana, política i social, pretén determinar el grau de compromís d'aquests joves en accions o institucions associatives mitjançant les xarxes digitals. Així mateix, intenta precisar la relació entre el nivell de participació social/ política d'aquest sector de la població i el seu interès en els perfils d'organitzacions o subjectes amb compromís ciutadà. També aborda l'existència de diferències en l'accés i la interactivitat en perfils amb interès social o participatiu entre els joves amb algun grau de compromís ciutadà i els desvinculats de l'associacionisme. Mentre que les dades obtingudes a través d'una mostra de conveniència avalen, un cop més, la desafecció juvenil cap a la política institucionalitzada, es confirma que la intensitat en l'accés digital és molt alta entre els joves, la qual cosa a priori incrementa les possibilitats de fer més forta la societat civil. No obstant això, l'ús intensiu que fan els joves de les xarxes socials no s'associa positivament amb un major grau d'implicació cívica. I, finalment, s'observa que opten més per consumir contingut que no pas per produir-ne. ; Esta investigación, que tiene por objeto de estudio algunos aspectos que vinculan la vida digital de los universitarios y su implicación ciudadana, política y social, pretende determinar el grado de compromiso de estos jóvenes en acciones o instituciones asociativas mediante las redes digitales. Asimismo, intenta precisar la relación entre el nivel de participación social/política de este sector de la población y su interés en los perfiles de organizaciones o sujetos con compromiso ciudadano. También aborda la existencia de diferencias en el acceso e interactividad en perfiles con interés social o participativo entre los jóvenes con algún grado de compromiso ciudadano y los desvinculados del asociacionismo. Mientras los datos obtenidos a través de una muestra de conveniencia avalan, una vez más, la desafección juvenil hacia la política institucionalizada, se confirma que la intensidad en el acceso digital es muy alta entre los jóvenes, lo que a priori incrementa las posibilidades de hacer más fuerte a la sociedad civil. Sin embargo, el uso intensivo que hacen los jóvenes de las redes sociales no se asocia positivamente con un mayor grado de implicación cívica. Y, finalmente, se observa que optan más por consumir contenido que por producirlo.
Este artículo plantea una relectura de John Dewey con la intención de analizar y dar algunas respuestas a la actual crisis de la democracia representativa o liberal. Esta crisis guarda relación con procesos globalizadores contradictorios que, de un lado, alimentan una utopía futurista confiada en el progreso tecnológico, y de otro, el regreso "retrotópico", nostálgico y emocional, a lo tribal. Esta relectura se centra en obras fundamentales de Dewey, pero especialmente Democracia y Educación y otros textos de carácter pedagógico. El artículo desarrolla una serie de argumentos que concluyen en torno a la idea de "democracia creativa", que Dewey planteó en su madurez, como referencia para una deseable reactivación de la democracia entendida como ideal ético. ; This article proposes a rereading of John Dewey with the intention of analyzing and proposing some solutions to the current crisis of representative or liberal democracy. This crisis is related to contradictory globalizing processes that, on the one hand, nourish a futuristic utopia entrusted to technological progress, and on the other, regresses to the nostalgic, emotional and tribal. This rereading focuses on some foundational works of Dewey, but especially on Democracy and Education and other educational texts. The article develops a series of arguments that revolve around the idea of «creative democracy», which Dewey developed in his maturity, as a valuable reference for a desirable reactivation of democracy, understood as an ethical ideal.
Using a novel database, this study assesses the impact of the perception of the personal benefits of the EU Cohesion Policy on support for the European project. The results show that the gap in support between people who claim to have benefited from the Cohesion Policy and those who feel they have not vanished once differences in individual traits and reverse causality are taken into account. This means that, despite the significant positive effect that the intensity of the Cohesion Policy in the region exerts on the perception of the policy, it does not stimulate support for the EU.
Tez (Yüksek lisans) -- İbn Haldun Üniversitesi Üniversitesi. Kaynakça var. ; As the United States of America has embraced and defended its right to operate with impunity on a global battlefield, Muslims in particular have found themselves in an increasingly Western-controlled and anti-Muslim world in terms not only spatial but also discursive, with Western intervention not only military but also ideological. Much has been written about the roots of anti-Muslim thought in the civilizational conflict between the Christian and Muslim worlds, or Euro-American racism and xenophobia, but the developments of the American War on Terror deserve a political analysis that measures the systemic impact on the safety of Muslims in the American order, with an eye for opportunities to strengthen their position. Giorgio Agamben's philosophical work on outlawry and bare life in the Roman figure of homo sacer provide a field for this analysis, of which this thesis focuses on the Muslim American citizen as the Muselmann – the limit figure of humanity - in the global camp. How historical is Agamben's theory, and how contemporary? I argue that Agamben's theory is even more historical than he himself proves, and that Muslims in America, even the citizens among them, are the latest – but also, the most fundamental – example of bare life at the center of America's civil war. ; Amerika Birleşik Devletleri, küresel bir savaş ortaminda dokunulmazlıkla faaliyet gösterirken, özellikle Müslümanlar, kendilerini yalnızca mekansal değil, aynı zamanda söylemsel olarak da, hem askeri hem ideolojik alanda Bati kontrolu altında, giderek daha fazla Müslüman karşıtı olan bir dünyada buldular. Hıristiyan ve Müslüman dünyaları arasındaki uygarlık çatışmasında, Müslüman karşıtı düsüncenin kökleri, Amerikan ırkçılığı ve yabancı düşmanlığı hakkında çok şey yazılmıştır, ancak Amerika'nın Terörle Mücadele politikasındaki gelişmelerin Amerika kontrolu altında yasayan Müslümanların güvenliği uzerindeki etkisinin, Müslümanların pozisyonunu güçlendirmek gayesi ...