Nell'età del duca Filippo Maria Visconti (1412-1447), le concessioni di cittadinanza ambrosiana, lungi per Milano dal costituire un indicatore demografico o di integrazione sociale, costituiscono invece un valido strumento di analisi politica e un parametro per valutare l'efficacia dei provvedimenti fiscali ed economici ducali di cui costituiscono un riflesso diretto. Si analizzano in questa sede le caratteristiche dei 180 nuovi cittadini milanesi, che presentano requisiti specifici, specie culturali e politici, oltre che "talenti" nel settore mercantile e artigianale di alto livello. La politica economica del principe trova qui una eco tangibile e concreta.
The author considers that there are four basic conditions for citizen participation in a democracy,namely: respect for individual rights; institutional channels and legal frameworks;information and confidence on part of citizens towards democratic institutions. Based on these four conditions explains the interference of citizens in public affairs in Mexico during the twentieth century, and conclude by mentioning the current state of citizen participation and presenting a proposal to increase the margin of the same in the Mexican state. ; La autora considera que existen cuatro condiciones básicas para que la participación ciudadana exista en un régimen democrático, a saber: el respeto de las garantías individuales,los canales institucionales y marcos jurídicos, la información y la confianza por parte de los ciudadanos hacia las instituciones democráticas. Con base en estos cuatro requisitos explica la injerencia de la ciudadanía en los asuntos públicos en México durante el siglo XX, y concluirá mencionando el estado actual de la participación ciudadana ypresentando una propuesta para incrementar el margen de la misma en el Estado mexicano.
This article studies from a longue durée perspective the articulation of anti-slavery sentiments and other socio-racial sensibilities within the Spanish Atlantic, from the first theological criticisms of the 16th century to the efforts to abolish slavery in Cuba, Puerto Rico and Spain, in the second half of the 19th century. We focus on the most significant cases of individuals who shared a white identity and who advocated against slavery, slave trade and socio-racial discrimination of Free Coloureds. We argue that the many egalitarian proposals made during the Spanish American revolutions and at the Cortes of Cádiz represent a second golden moment (after the 'Mulatto Affaire' during the French Revolution) in the struggle for the granting of political equality to subaltern sectors the Atlantic World. In the end, we expect to provide a clearer picture of how the socio-racial sensibilities contributed to accelerate, or to postpone, the introduction of abolitionist or equalitarian measures vis-à-vis the coloured subaltern sectors in the Spanish Atlantic in the Late Modern Age. ; Este artículo estudia desde una perspectiva de longue durée la articulación de los sentimientos anti-esclavistas con otras sensibilidades socio-raciales en el Atlántico español, desde las primeras críticas teológicas del siglo xvi hasta los esfuerzos para abolir la esclavitud en Cuba, Puerto Rico y España, en la segunda mitad del siglo XIX. El estudio se centra en los casos más significativos de individuos que compartían una identidad blanca y que abogaron contra la esclavitud, la trata de esclavos y la discriminación socio-racial de los libres de color. El mismo sostiene que las muchas propuestas igualitarias hechas durante las revoluciones hispanoamericanas y en las Cortes de Cádiz representan un segundo momento dorado (después del llamado 'Asunto de los mulatos' durante la Revolución Francesa) en la lucha por el otorgamiento de igualdad política a los sectores subalternos en el Mundo Atlántico. Al final, se aspira proporcionar una imagen más clara de cómo las sensibilidades socio-raciales contribuyeron a acelerar, o posponer, la introducción de medidas abolicionistas e igualitarias para los sectores subalternos de color en el Atlántico español a fines de la Edad Moderna.
A common objection against deliberative democracy relates to the impression that citizens, in general, are unwilling to participate in democratic politics. We contribute to the growing literature that challenges this impression by analyzing the discursive
Читателю предлагается краткое введение в тематический выпуск, составленный из работ сотрудников кафедры философии политики и права Философского факультета МГУ имени М.В. Ломоносова ; Special issue of Chair of Philosophy of Politics and Law, Philosophical Department of Lomonosov Moscow State University, is a collection of research and analytical studies on the interaction problem of the state and civil society, as well as on the issues of consequences for states of deep deformations in the relationship between citizen and state, and between individual and law. This range of problems, related to the history of classical themes of political and philosophical thought, now acquires a new meaning and new sounding. This is due primarily to the global socio-political changes taking place in the global community at the present stage. Secondly, it is due to the radical revision of the basic principles of cooperation in the international arena, as well as the transformation of the nation-state. In this small article I represent a brief outline of the structure and content of the thematic issue.
Concerned with the role of social context on political incorporation, this dissertation addresses three primary questions: 1) what are the social factors that influence Afro-Caribbean group attachments in New York City and Los Angeles County; 2) what are the factors that influence socio-political attitudes towards the Obama Presidency among Afro-Caribbeans in the United States; and, 3) how does social context influence the pathway to political incorporation chosen by Afro-Caribbeans in New York and Los Angeles? Relying on in-depth interviews with first and second generation Trinidadians and Jamaicans in New York and Los Angeles, as well as participant observations, the dissertation finds that Afro-Caribbean group attachments are influenced by group reputation in the public consciousness. As such, Afro-Caribbeans utilize culture as a mechanism for navigating ethnic, racial and country of origin attachments simultaneously. Multiple attachments and the emphasis on culture inform political attitudes towards the Obama Presidency, while also serving as a means of public claims making.
The consequences that arose from the 'global economy' have been significant in Portuguese children's lives and we believe it is fundamental to reflect on the ongoing structuring of childhood through this global culture/ideology and the concrete implications that they have. It is also important to understand how childhood is constructed and experienced, as well as to consider the impacts of political economic conditions on children's lives and in childhood in general, taking into account the effects brought on by public policies. The aim of this paper is to reflect on the ways through which the economic crisis affecting the general Portuguese population has impacted children in particular and promoted discrimination and a lack of opportunities in childhood. We will focus on two dimensions: first, on general data about the ongoing policies that have been reducing social rights, increasing poverty rates and threatening basic rights such as educational and health rights, to show their impact on children´s lives. Second, we will discuss some data collected with children throughout different research projects in order to characterize the meanings and impacts of the crisis in their lives from their points of view ; Įvykiai ,,pasaulinėje ekonomikoje" paveikė ir portugalų vaikų gyvenimą, todėl aktualu tampa aiškintis, kaip ši visuotinė kultūra (ideologija) formuoja portugalų vaikystės fenomenologiją ir kokios yra konkrečios minėtos kultūros (ideologijos) pasekmės. Mat svarbu kalbėti ne tik, kas formuoja vaikystę, kaip vaikai ją išgyvena, bet ir kaip politinės-ekonominės sąlygos veikia vaikų gyvenimą ir vaikystę apskritai, kartu aptariant viešųjų politinių programų poveikį visuomenei. Straipsnio tikslas – aprašyti, kaip Portugalijos ekonominė krizė, turėjusi didesnį ar mažesnį poveikį visiems šios šalies bendruomenės nariams, paveikė vaikus, paskatino diskriminaciją vaikystėje ir sumažino vaikų galimybes. ; CIEC - Centro de Investigação em Estudos da Criança, IE, UMinho (UI 317 da FCT), Comissão ...
The big historical and political stages of the XIXth and XXth century that we can delimit with such events as the agreements of limits between Mexico and Guatemala, the Mexican Revolution, the Guatemalan refugees, the movement zapatista and the increase of the migratory Central American flows, modified the identities of populations. These events left deep fingerprints and transformed the region of Chiapanecan south-east and Guatemalan northwest. In this article, it is a question of defining how these populations live and think the national decisions; how the national State distinguishes them and how they are distinguished in turn and finally, how the possession of the land and the presence of an international border favor a singular identification. Thus, the concept of identity "boundary", can be self-identities to analyze local, national and transnational. ; Acontecimientos históricos y políticos de los siglos XIX y XX modificaron las identidades de las poblaciones fronterizas, dejaron huellas profundas y transformaron la región del sureste chiapaneco y del noroeste de Guatemala. En este artículo se trata de definir cómo estas poblaciones viven y piensan las decisiones nacionales, cómo el Estado nacional las y cómo la tenencia de la tierra y la presencia de una frontera internacional favorecen una identificación singular. Así, la identidad fronteriza puede ser un concepto que permite analizar las identidades locales, nacionales y transnacionales.
The big historical and political stages of the XIXth and XXth century that we can delimit with such events as the agreements of limits between Mexico and Guatemala, the Mexican Revolution, the Guatemalan refugees, the movement zapatista and the increase of the migratory Central American flows, modified the identities of populations. These events left deep fingerprints and transformed the region of Chiapanecan south-east and Guatemalan northwest. In this article, it is a question of defining how these populations live and think the national decisions; how the national State distinguishes them and how they are distinguished in turn and finally, how the possession of the land and the presence of an international border favor a singular identification. Thus, the concept of identity "boundary", can be self-identities to analyze local, national and transnational. ; Acontecimientos históricos y políticos de los siglos XIX y XX modificaron las identidades de las poblaciones fronterizas, dejaron huellas profundas y transformaron la región del sureste chiapaneco y del noroeste de Guatemala. En este artículo se trata de definir cómo estas poblaciones viven y piensan las decisiones nacionales, cómo el Estado nacional las y cómo la tenencia de la tierra y la presencia de una frontera internacional favorecen una identificación singular. Así, la identidad fronteriza puede ser un concepto que permite analizar las identidades locales, nacionales y transnacionales.
The purpose of this article is to raise awareness about issues affecting disabled women, especially their sexual and reproductive rights. Also, I want to bring to light the issue that women with disabilities have a right to be heard and taken into account regarding political doctrines and programs whose aim is the general female popuiation, or if not, then we must enforce the creation of political aims and programs specific for them. The conceptual frame for this article includes: social model of disability, gender perspective and human rights perspective. Historically speaking, women with disabilities, sexual and reproductive rights have been ignored. The right or capability to have an active sexual and pleasant life is not recognized neither is maternityan option. These women are often perceived as inferior and asexual. It is because of this prejudice/stereotype that these women are constantly faced with a violation of their rights, therefore limiting their activities as citizens and the possibility of engaging their rights. In Puerto Rico, twenty percent of the female population has a disability; however this sector continues to be marginalized and is basically invisible to the rest of the popuiation, including professionals and public figures. Our environment often assigns inferior ranks regarding gender and disabilities. ; Este trabajo tiene el propósito de promover el reconocimiento de que las mujeres con discapacidades físicas son sujetos de derechos, específicamente de derechos sexuales y de derechos reproductivos. Además, intereso problematizar el debate sobre la conveniencia e implicaciones de que las voces de las mujeres con discapacidades sean atendidas con políticas públicas y programas que impactan a la población de mujeres en general; o si, por el contrario, debe promoverse la creación de políticas públicas y programas específicos para ellas. El marco conceptual utilizado en este trabajo es el modelo social de la discapacidad, la perspectiva de género y la perspectiva de los derechos humanos. Los derechos sexuales y los derechos reproductivos de las mujeres con discapacidades físicas han sido ignorados, históricamente. A este sector poblacional no se le reconoce la capacidad ni el derecho de tener una vida sexual activa y placentera; tampoco se le reconoce la maternidad como una opción. A estas mujeres se les concibe como seres inferiores y asexuales, lo que las hace enfrentar el discrimen que promueve y legitimiza las constantes violaciones de derechos que sufren, limitándose así su actividad ciudadana y la posibilidad de ejercer sus derechos. En Puerto Rico, el 20 por ciento de la población clasificada como femenina tiene alguna discapacidad, pero continúa siendo un sector marginal e invisible para el resto de la ciudadanía y esto incluye a los profesionales y a los hacedores de políticas públicas. Nuestro entorno es uno que asigna rangos de inferioridad al género y a la discapacidad.
We examine the «G1000 », a participative democracy initiative which took place during the 2007-2011 Belgian political crisis, in order to show how difficult it is for such initiatives to obtain anything else but a disdainful stance from the political and opinion leaders. In spite of the loss of impetus that plagues the Belgian representative system, political leaders still fail to take the constructive potential of citizen-led projects seriously – and, unfortunately, this posture seems unlikely to change, given its long history. ; Cette contribution vise à montrer, à travers l'examen de la réception au sein d'une certaine élite de l'événement dit du G1000, que toute tentative citoyenne visant à modifier les règles – et donc les équilibres – du jeu démocratique belge semble vouée au mépris et donc à l'échec. Malgré l'essoufflement du système représentatif belge, de telles tentatives dont, et c'est une tendance de long cours, mises hors-jeu sans même examiner certains de leurs apports potentiellement intéressants et à même de «refaire société».
