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ABSTRACTPrevious research on anti-corruption reform in Africa falls into two camps. The first explores 'best practices' and policy approaches to controlling corruption, while the second focuses on the politics of anti-corruption 'reform', arguing that official anti-corruption campaigns aim to mollify donors while using corruption charges instrumentally to undermine rivals and shore up personal loyalty to the president, and thus have no chance of controlling corruption. This paper suggests that, while the neopatrimonial context is a very significant limiting factor in anti-corruption reform, limited progress is possible. Examining the motivations and effects, intended and unintended, of anti-corruption reforms in Kenya and Nigeria, it finds that while the Kenya Anti-Corruption Commission has indeed been politically marginalised and largely ineffectual, the more autonomous and activist, but politically instrumentalised, Economic and Financial Crimes Commission in Nigeria has had a measure of success. The analysis suggests that this is explained by the EFCC's independent prosecutorial powers and the institutionalisation strategies of its chairman.

Seeking to look beyond the day-to-day headlines and judgemental comments on developments in Myanmar, this volume gets under the surface to look at the underlying issues which the country faces regardless of its political future. After looking back to essay the historical forces and human agencies which have shaped contemporary Myanmar, the volume addresses health care and public policy provision with suggestions as to what potential roles the international community might have in assisting My

This book provides an analysis of the relationship between mass media and political development in Hong Kong, with emphasis on the print media. The author states a minimal integration between the political and mass media system. As Hong Kong will be given back to the People's Republic of China in 1997, this system will have to be restructured. The author discusses the issues of this task. (DÜI-Pff)

A change in the way humans relate to nature could be the starting point for a new environmental politics, a change which in itself will also influence relations among humans. Such a new approach would help to radically transform systems of production, not because they are unjust in traditional social terms, but because they endanger nature and humanity. This book opens an intellectual, academic and political discussion of environmental politics, which has the potential to involve large segments of the public and their public servants. Thus far, the author points out, grassroots organizations have failed to win broad consensus and political power in the representative institutions. When the time comes to transform the single environmental issue into an electoral platform, environmentalists lose unity and effectiveness since they lack a common political vision and a cohesive strategy. On the other hand European politics is rapidly transforming because the challenge brought by so-called populist movements. The author offers a completely new view of environmental politics, which challenges old theories. He proposes to start political analysis from an unconventional point of view: the relationship between humanity and nature, rather than the social justice and freedom perspective that has framed discourse over the last two centuries. Up to date with current political cases such as populism and recent European elections, this book elaborates on the theory of political change and proposes new political strategies. The author expresses the need to forge the shared emotions and attitudes of activists into political ideologies and platforms, and the necessity for a new educational process and a new science politics to reform environmental politics. In addition to offering politicians and activists new and practical guidelines for developing action strategies, this book provides a foundation for a university master program based on its issues.

This paper adopts collective memory theory to reveal processes through which heritage tourism stakeholders (re)construct contested national identity. Theoretically sensitised to identity crisis, the study analyses how Hong Kong and Macao heritage managers utilise complex transnational memories to (re)construct an identity aligned with, yet distinct from, that of China. Through a critical discourse analysis of interviews and discursive exhibition and museum texts, the article reveals that museum managers formulate heritage imaginings and a sense of belonging(s) through defining the collective memory for "Self" and "Other". The article concludes that, by collective memory-building, museum professionals make tangible statements of national identities through legitimating negotiations and resistance in heritage tourism discourse. Implications for heritage tourism studies and museum management are also discussed.