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Gazprom, Russian's prime state owned gas producer, is facing severe pressure stemming from international gas market dynamics, EU regulation and the Ukraine crisis. Slowing gas demand coupled with shifting pricing models and a persisting transit issue pose significant challenges for Gazprom's business going forward. Domestic pressure emerges from competition arising from private companies, mainly Notatek, but also state owned rival Rosneft, and is reinforced by governmental moves toward more market oriented Russian gas sector organization. Gazprom's options include pivoting to alternative markets, notably China; reverting to international legal bodies and market principles to counter EU regulatory pressures; and to depoliticize gas trade in order to generate long term expectations on its prime market - Europe. We pose that neither of these options is likely to fully solve Gazprom's dilemma, whose competitive position will arguably further weaken both domestically and internationally. We believe that Gazprom's best option would be to aim for depoliticizing gas trade, by way of giving up its de facto monopoly on gas exports to Europe.

The article discusses implementation of Russia's international obligations in fisheries management, nuclear safety and air pollution control. Empirical evidence is taken from the country's northwestern region. A main theoretical question is to what extent the observed level of compliance with international agreements can be explained by the nature of the problem and agreements at hand, and by the implementation activities of public authorities and target groups. The implementation performance in the case of fisheries management can be explained mainly by both positive and negative elements in public authorities' implementation efforts. In air pollution control, the nature of the commitments, i.e. the very limited need for behavioral changes, is the main explanation for implementation performance. The picture is a bit more complex in the case of nuclear safety where all the factors reviewed have had a moderate or considerable effect on implementation performance. Notably, institutional conflict at the federal level has hampered implementation, while regional authorities have since the mid-1990s indulged in constructive collaboration with various federal agencies.

"This book provides a comprehensive assessment of African economic integration through the lens of International Economic Law. The analysis is contextualized within the prevailing regional economic integrations, the WTO and the peculiarity of AfCFTA. Through legal analysis, bolstered by economic and political dimensions of AfCFTA, the book illustrates the complex interplay of diverse factors that shape AfCFTA. Each chapter presents a separate element of economic integration within the principles of international economic law, with an interdisciplinary approach encompassing legal, economic and political perspectives. Covering topics such as economic integration and multilateralism, market access, exceptions, trade facilitation, rules of origin, non-tariff barriers, the book also discusses trade remedies, dispute settlement, investment, intellectual property, and completion policy. Additionally, human rights, corporate social responsibility, and sustainable development principles are discussed, alongside small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), digital trade and gender in economic integration. The book will be of interest to students, instructors, practitioners and non-practitioners in this area of international economic law"--

Se aborda el tema de la justiciabilidad del derecho a la salud, como poder de los titulares para exigir de los Estados que lo respeten, protejan y garanticen, a través de una de las formas para hacerlos efectivos, cual es: la obligación de los Estados de ofrecer recursos judiciales para tales fines. La justiciabilidad es un camino para hacer valer los derechos ante los juzgados, tribunales o cortes de justicia tanto a nivel nacional, regional e internacional; esto es, ante un organismo. Para que la justiciabilidad sea efectiva se requiere una norma jurídica que los declare, es decir, un instrumento. Al mismo tiempo se requiere la existencia de un mecanismo, acción o recurso para la reclamación ante los organismos competentes. El estudio inicia con un contexto histórico, político, económico y social de los sistemas de salud; seguidamente, se comparan los organismos del poder judicial; luego se analizan los instrumentos jurídicos que consagran el derecho a la salud, tanto en el plano internacional, como en el ámbito interno en los dos países. Llegado a este punto, se comparan los mecanismos mediante los cuales se hace justiciable el derecho, haciéndose énfasis en la acción de amparo y la acción de tutela. El estudio comparado se completa con una selección de casos emblemáticos de la jurisprudencia argentina y colombiana. Finalmente se presenta una síntesis de la comparación de los sistemas, los organismos, los instrumentos y los mecanismos. (texto tomado de la fuente) ; In this work is make an approach to justiciability of the right to healthcare, as a power of the holders for requiring States that respect, protect and secure them through one of the ways to make them effective, which is: the obligation of States of provide judicial remedies for such purposes. The justiciability is a way to enforce the rights before the courts and tribunals nation and worldwide. To make justiciability effective its requires a legal standard that declares its, it means an instrument. At the same time it requires a mechanism, an action or a remedy for the complaint before the competent agencies. The study begins with a historical, political, economic and social development of healthcare systems, then, compare the organs of justice, then examines the legal instruments that enshrine the right to healthcare, both at the international level, as domestically in both countries. Then, was compared the mechanisms by which justice is done right, making emphasis on action under writ and action guardianship for protection of fundamental rights.The comparative study is completed with a selection of emblematic cases of Argentinian and Colombian law. Finally, this work contains a summary of the comparison of systems, agencies, instruments and mechanisms. ; Maestría

Human Rights Watch/Africa und die Federation Internationale des Ligues des Droits de l'Homme legen gemeinsam einen detailreichen Bericht über die Menschenrechtsverletzungen vor, die von den verschiedenen militärischen und politischen Gruppierungen seit Mitte 1996 bis zum August 1997 in der Region der Großen Seen verübt wurden. Aus dem Bericht ist nicht klar zu entnehmen, ob mit den aufgeführten Verbrechen der Anspruch auf Vollständigkeit erhoben wird. Einen besonderen Schwerpunkt bildet die Dokumentation der Vergehen, die von der AFDL und ihren Teilgruppen bzw. befreundeten Gruppierungen, insbesondere der ruandischen RPA, zu verantworten sind. Darüber hinaus legt Human Rights Watch einige Beispiele für die Beteiligung ausländischer Regierungen an den Ereignissen dar. Der Bericht enthält Empfehlungen für die verschiedenen kongolesischen und internationalen Akteure. (DÜI-Spl)

AbstractThis article provides a representative bureaucracy perspective on staff composition in international organizations (IOs). Contrary to previous studies in international relations, I argue that staff composition is not only driven by power but international organizations are also concerned with bureaucratic representation. Therefore, I examine one potential barrier and one driver to passive representation, namely the available local labour pool and political representation. The empirical analysis is based on an original database of human resources statistics in the United Nations Secretariat which allows for a differentiation between staff categories. The resulting regression analyses suggest that headquarters locations, political representation and diplomacy are the main determinants of member states' representation, but these determinants vary in strength depending on the staff categories. This article contributes to the study of staff composition in IOs by examining additional determinants and to the recent discussions on representative bureaucracy at the international level.

Since 2008, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has become more open to the use of discretionary fiscal stimulus packages to deal with recessions, while changing its doctrine on the timing and content of fiscal consolidation. The article traces this evolution of the Fund's doctrine to staff politics, more diverse thinking in mainstream economics, and a careful framing of the message through the use of mainstream macroeconomic models. To map the changing contours of institutional views on fiscal policy through 2008–2013, the article undertakes a detailed content analysis of official publications from the Fiscal Affairs Department and the Research Department. The connection between these shifts and significant personnel shake‐ups is demonstrated through an extensive biographical analysis of the authors of all IMF studies cited in the official reports of the two departments. The findings contribute to the emerging debate on the sources of intellectual and policy change in international economic organizations.