Suchergebnisse

Целями исследования, отраженного в данной статье, являются: во-первых, рассмотрение роли символов и символьной политики в политическом процессе, место знаков и символов в политической культуре общества в зависимости от характера и степени ее зрелости; во-вторых, уточнение понимания места «soft power» в символьной политике и политической культуре. Методологически статья выполнена на основе междисциплинарности, с использованием теорий визуальной репрезентации, политической семиотики, культурной стигматизации. Результатом исследовательской работы является разделение символьных комплексов на позитивные и негативные. Комплексы, представляющие национальные интересы, закрепляют позитивную окраску символов своего народа и государства, союзных государств, и негативную – противостоящих сил. Позитивные символьные комплексы выходят на высший уровень легитимации ценностей и норм конституций, официальных и неофициальных государственных и национальных символов. Применение результатов исследования возможно при построении теоретико-методологических моделей использования семиотических ресурсов с учетом национально-исторических особенностей той или иной политической культуры. К основным выводам относятся следующие положения. Знаки и символы – виды информации, посредники между познающим и объектом познания – концентрируются в символьных комплексах, являющихся ресурсом политики, занимают важное место в содержании и механизме политической культуры. «Мягкая сила» имеет знаково-символьное содержание и является инструментом символьной политики. Объем понятия «мягкая сила» расширяется, но содержание понятия фиксируется на подвижном, но относительно определенном феномене, имеющем семиотические основания. ; The objectives reported in the paper under study are: firstly, to examine the role of symbols and symbolic policy in the political process; signs and symbols in the political culture of society depending on the nature and degree of its maturity; secondly, to specify the place of "soft power" in symbolic policy and political culture. Methodologically the paper presents the interdisciplinary basis, using theories of visual representation, political semiotics, and cultural stigmatization. The output of the research is the division of symbolic complexes into positive and negative. The complexes representing national interests reinforce the positive colour of symbols of people and the state, allied nations, and negative ones reinforce the negative colour of symbols of the opposing forces. Positive character complexes are located on the highest level of legitimation – the values and norms of the Constitution, the official and unofficial state and national symbols. The application of research output is possible in building theoretical and methodological models of semiotic resources based on national and historical features of political culture. The main findings include the following: signs and symbols – the types of information, intermediaries between the knower and the object of knowledge – are concentrated in the symbolic complexes that are a political resource; they play an important role in the content and mechanism of political culture. «Soft power» has a symbolic content and is a tool of symbolic policy. The scope of «soft power» is expanding, but the content of the notion is fixed on a mobile, but relatively specific phenomenon with semiotic base.

Рассматривается сущность, основные признаки и психологические особенности высоких гуманитарных технологий, охарактеризованы концепты «мягкой» и «умной» сил и их связь с высокими гуманитарными технологиями ; The article describes the essence, basic features and psychological characteristics of high humanitarian technologies, describes in detail the concepts of «soft» and «smart» power and their relationship with high humanitarian technologies

Hrana kao esencijalni sastojak ljudske egzistencije oduvijek je igrala važnu ulogu u međudržavnim odnosima i diplomatskoj praksi te je bila korištena kao medij kroz koji se projicira utjecaj, komuniciraju kultura i identitet te poruke koje izražavaju prijateljstvo ili neprijateljstvo. Uloga hrane sve je istaknutija u javnodiplomatskoj praksi različitih država, dok su akademska razmatranja gastrodiplomacije, kulinarske diplomacije ili diplomacije hranom do sada bila ograničena unutar discipline međunarodnih odnosa. Cilj je članka predstaviti različite aspekte ovog novog interdisciplinarnog polja istraživanja široj akademskoj zajednici, polazeći od hipoteze da hrana u sve većoj mjeri postaje prepoznata kao službeno sredstvo meke moći i javne diplomacije. U članku se prezentiraju rezultati inicijalnog istraživanja provedenog među diplomatima akreditiranima u Republici Hrvatskoj te anketnog istraživanja provedenog među studentima Fakulteta političkih znanosti Sveučilišta u Zagrebu. ; Food as an essential ingredient of human existence, has always played an important role in interstate relations and diplomatic practice. It has been used as a medium for projecting influence, communicating one's culture, identity and messages that express friendship or enmity. Its role is becoming increasingly prominent in the public diplomacy practices of various countries, while academic accounts on gastro diplomacy, food diplomacy or culinary diplomacy within the International Relations (IR) discipline have so far been limited. The aim of this article is to introduce different aspects of this new, developing field of interdisciplinary research to the wider academic community, building on the hypothesis that food is becoming more recognized as an official soft power or public diplomacy tool. The article contains an analysis based on an initial survey conducted among the diplomats accredited in the Republic of Croatia as well as among the students of the Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb.

Fin 2019, Jean-François Drevet tirait la sonnette d'alarme, dans ces colonnes (n° 433), sur les risques que courait l'Union européenne à ne pas s'engager dans la construction d'une réelle défense commune. Confrontée à diverses tensions avec la Turquie, à un affaiblissement du rôle de l'Alliance atlantique sur fond de désengagement américain, l'Union ne peut plus se contenter du soft power qui faisait sa réputation jusqu'ici. D'une part, cette politique fondée sur la défense et la diffusion des valeurs européennes (démocratie, droits de l'homme) n'est plus appliquée de manière systématique ; d'autre part, à trop peu répondre à divers comportements menaçants sur ses flancs est et sud, l'Union court le risque de perdre sa crédibilité sur le plan géopolitique. D'où cet appel de Jean-François Drevet à la mise en place d'une sécurité et d'une défense européennes à la hauteur des enjeux actuels, qui puisse aussi intégrer un volet militaire opérationnel — un hard power venant compléter le soft power. S.D.

В статье рассматривается концепция «острой силы», история ее появления и особенности применения в мировой политике на примере Китая и России. Автор соотносит ее со стратегиями «мягкой» и «умной» силы», сравнивая цель, задачи и сферы деятельности упомянутых концепций. В результате автор приходит к выводу, что концепт «острая сила» не является следующим этапом в развитии новых технологий влияния государств на международной арене. Введение нового термина будет способствовать углублению напряженности между государствами и острой дискуссии в научных кругах, относительно границ между «мягкой» и «острой» силами. ; The article reveals the concept of "sharp power", the history of its appearance and the features of its application in world politics in the case of China and Russia. The author correlates it with the strategies of "soft" and "smart" power, comparing the goal, objectives and areas of activity of the mentioned concepts. As a result, the author comes to the conclusion that the concept of "sharp power" is not the next step in the development of new technologies for the influence of states on the international arena. The introduction of a new term will contribute to the deepening tensions between states and controversial discussions in the scientific community, regarding the boundaries between "soft" and "sharp" powers.

The general meaning of "proxy war" is the pursuit of one's interests exploiting other actors. Measures to this end can be implemented in two ways: through hard and soft power. As far as countering the activities of terrorist organizations is concerned, it can be seen that self-interest is placed above efforts against terrorism. The civil war in Syria and the activities of terrorist organizations have become grounds for greater involvement of global powers in the struggle for gaining influence in the country. This paper aims to show the actions of global and regional powers and other state actors taken in an attempt to assert power and influence under the guise of the fight against terrorism. The paper is divided into two parts: theoretical and practical. The theoretical part discusses aspects related to Josepha Nye's concept of "smart power" and the notions of "proxy war" and "proxy activities". The practical part discusses the activities of international actors pursuing their interests through official involvement in the fight against Daesh in the Syrian territory. Keywords: proxy war, Middle East, soft power, hard power, Daesh, Syria

The United States is well placed to remain the leading power in the twenty-first century, but it will have to learn to work with other countries to share the leadership role. Washington should adopt a strategy of providing global public goods analogous to the role the United Kingdom played in the nineteenth century, and it will need to combine its 'soft-power' and 'hard-power' resources into a 'smart-power' strategy. The paradox of American power in this century is that the largest power since the Roman Empire cannot achieve its objectives by acting alone. (Survival / SWP)

Apocalypse Now? : Politics Between Life and Death -- World Order and Abendland : Toward Global Renewal -- Taming Leviathan : Beyond Political "Realism" -- World Maintenance : Loka-samgraha and Tian-Xia -- Relating Heaven and Humanity : Neither One Nor Two -- Humanizing Humanity : For a Post-Secular Humanism -- Farewell and "Ereignis" : Beyond Hard Power and Soft Power -- Dwelling in the World : On Rectifying Names.

Kelkitli, Aslı Fatma (Arel Author) ; Russia appeared to be a country that did not eschew from resorting to hard power instruments suchas military intervention and economic sanctions in the post-Cold War period. Moscow fought a battleagainst Georgia over South Ossetia in August 2008. It also sent its military personnel to Crimea tocapture strategic points and to take control of the critical infrastructure in February 2014, shortlybefore the referendum which would decide whether the peninsula would merge with Russia. Russiaalso occasionally cut off natural gas supplies to Georgia and Ukraine in the middle of winter when thesetwo pro-Western states failed to pay their accumulated natural gas debt. Yet, Moscow starting from themid-2000s has been taking serious and systematic steps to strengthen and expand its soft power basein its immediate neighbourhood as well. These efforts speeded up in the wake of colour revolutionsin Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan which resulted in the replacement of friendly governments thatpaid special attention to Russian concerns and sensitivities with new leaders and cadres that aimedto bring their countries closer to the West. This article will examine the Central Asian dimension ofRussia's soft power policy by borrowing the soft power concept of Joseph Nye. Nye defines soft poweras the capacity to have an impact on or shape the preferences of others by relying upon intangibleassets such as political values, international institutions and culture. So, the study will start with theanalysis of the extent of recognition of Russia's political values, especially its sovereign democracymodel which prioritizes the demands of the state over those of individuals, lays emphasis on theprinciples of independence, sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs in the intercourse withother states and underlines the primacy of traditional and conservative values such as unity, solidarityand family over individualism, feminism and LGBT rights by the Central Asian political elites. Thearticle will then move on to explore the extent of Russia's success in exporting the main tenets of thesovereign democracy model to Central Asia by examining some of the agreements, declarations,decisions and practices of the international institutions such as the Commonwealth of IndependentStates, the Collective Security Treaty Organization and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization whichplay significant role in the region. The study will end with the assessment of the cultural aspect of theRussian soft power in Central Asia by investigating the prevalence of Russian language, Russian highereducation institutions, Russian media and Russian mass entertainment in the region.