Suchergebnisse

В статье предпринимается попытка анализа и описания французского опыта роли институтов, агентов и практик контроля иммиграции в консолидации общества с применением механизмов партисипативной демократии. Рассмотрены особенности иммиграционной политики Франции, показывается применимость подходов, связанных с моделями режима гражданства, позволяющими описать макротеорети-ческую основу для понимания социальной и политической терпимости по отношению к этническим меньшинствам. Показано, что вопрос о роли и месте этих мигрантов в обществах тех стран, куда они направляются, актуализирует разработку конкретной социальной политики, конструирующей образ мигранта в принимающем обществе, создание законодательной базы, контролирующей миграционные потоки, механизмов их адаптации, интеграции в собственное общество. В результате делается вывод о том, что в реализации миграционной политики Франция предпочитает основываться на дискурсивном подходе приоритета прав человека, а не на соображениях безопасности диалектическое противоречие и взаимодействие которых можно наблюдать при анализе миграционной политики в ЕС, в целом. ; Drawing on recent insight in citizenship regime literature, this article develops a macrotheoretical framework for understanding social and political tolerance of ethnic minorities. The paper attempts to analyze and describe the French experience of the role of institutions, agents and practices of immigration control in the consolidation of the society with the mechanisms for participatory democracy. It is shown that the question of the role and position of migrants in the host societies actualize the development of specific social policy constructing the image of migrants, the development of the legislative base, controlling migration flows, mechanisms of their adaptation and integration into the host society. It is concluded that as a result of the implementation of the migration policy, France prefers to rely on the discursive approach, the priority of human rights, rather than security considerations dialectical contradiction and interaction that can be observed in the analysis of migration policies in the EU as a whole.

Drawing on recent insight in citizenship regime literature, this article develops a macrotheoretical framework for understanding social and political tolerance of ethnic minorities. The paper attempts to analyze and describe the French experience of the role of institutions, agents and practices of immigration control in the consolidation of the society with the mechanisms for participatory democracy. It is shown that the question of the role and position of migrants in the host societies actualize the development of specific social policy constructing the image of migrants, the development of the legislative base, controlling migration flows, mechanisms of their adaptation and integration into the host society. It is concluded that as a result of the implementation of the migration policy, France prefers to rely on the discursive approach, the priority of human rights, rather than security considerations - dialectical contradiction and interaction that can be observed in the analysis of migration policies in the EU as a whole. ; В статье предпринимается попытка анализа и описания французского опыта роли институтов, агентов и практик контроля иммиграции в консолидации общества с применением механизмов партисипативной демократии. Рассмотрены особенности иммиграционной политики Франции, показывается применимость подходов, связанных с моделями режима гражданства, позволяющими описать макротеоретическую основу для понимания социальной и политической терпимости по отношению к этническим меньшинствам. Показано, что вопрос о роли и месте этих мигрантов в обществах тех стран, куда они направляются, актуализирует разработку конкретной социальной политики, конструирующей образ мигранта в принимающем обществе, создание законодательной базы, контролирующей миграционные потоки, механизмов их адаптации, интеграции в собственное общество. В результате делается вывод о том, что в реализации миграционной политики Франция предпочитает основываться на дискурсивном подходе приоритета прав человека, а не на соображениях безопасности – диалектическое противоречие и взаимодействие которых можно наблюдать при анализе миграционной политики в ЕС, в целом.

[Resumen] La educación en valores cívicos y democrá- ticos que se recogen en la Declaración Universal de los derechos humanos y la legisla- ción internacional derivada, pasa por ser un aspecto esencial de la competencia básica social y ciudadana que los distintos organismos internacionales, nacionales y autonómicos vie- nen promoviendo activamente desde hace años. El presente artículo versa sobre las inten- ciones y las características de la puesta en marcha de los planes de mejora de la convi- vencia en los centros educativos de Galicia. La educación para la convivencia, así como el trabajo a favor de la acción democrática y los derechos humanos en los centros educativos, precisa de fórmulas y herramientas que con- duzcan a una verdadera mejora. Así la consti- tución de los observatorios para la conviven- cia brindan a la comunidad en general y a los centros educativos en concreto una magnífica vía para afrontar la responsabilidad y el reto educativo que la ciudadanía demanda. ; [Abstract] The civic education and democratic values which are reflected in the Universal Declaration of human rights and international law resulting seem to be an essential aspect of the social and civic core competency that the various international agencies, national and regional been actively promoting since years ago. This paper examines the intentions and characteristics of the start-up plans to improve coexistence in the schools of Galicia. The education for coexistence, as well as work in favour of the action democratic and human rights in schools, precise formulas and tools that will lead to a real improvement. Thus the creation of observatories for coexistence pro- vide to the community in general and schools in particular an excellent way to cope with the responsibility and the educational challenge that citizenship claim.

When it's a matter of qualifying the participatory or deliberative democracy devices and their participants, some continue to oppose them according to whether take part in it lay people (with regard to the issue put under discussion) or concerned citizens. The project of institutionalized resorting to the consensus conferences (renamed Convention de citoyens, Jacquemot, 2007) for discussed issues, promoted by some French key academics in deliberative democracy, actualizes this opposition. This paper proposes to go beyond it by considering the citizenship in exercise. It shows that the question: which public participates?, can not be assessed according only to substantial selection criteria, but rather according to what the participants do during the discussion. For this purpose, the paper compares the discursive activity and the monitoring of the debate, into two related arrangements: an open public debate and a consensus conference organized within it. As a conclusion, the paper shows that the discursive activity expended in the two devices is not so much that of lay persons or concerned citizens but more that of a public of amateurs, as Bruno Latour (1993) depicted himself as an amateur of sciences: amateurs literally taste, enjoy and assess the strengths and weaknesses of public policies. ; Quand il est question de qualifier les dispositifs de démocratie participative ou délibérative et leurs participants, certains continuent à les opposer selon qu'y participent des "profanes" (vis-à-vis de la question mise en discussion) ou des citoyens concernés. Le projet d'institutionnalisation du recours aux conférences de consensus (renommées Convention de citoyens, Jacquemot, 2007) pour les problèmes controversés, proposé par quelques-uns des principaux spécialistes français de la démocratie délibérative, actualise cette opposition. Ce papier propose de la dépasser en considérant la citoyenneté en exercice. Il montre que la question : qui participe ?, ne peut pas être évaluée seulement en fonction de critères ...

Thèse de socio-histoire comparée du politique rédigée entre 2002 et 2007 dans le cadre d'une co-tutelle franco-italienne. ; This PhD deals with the forms of public and political activism developed by conservative Catholic women in the Italian Unione fra le donne cattoliche d'Italia (UDCI) and the French Ligue patriotique des Françaises (LPDF) before the 1944 and 1945 that allows full citizenship to French and Italian women. It led me to explore in depth two distinct paths by which such organizations managed to mobilize, and politicize conservative women, despite their avowedly non-feminist and non-political ideologies stances. By examining individual political trajectories in the context of collective political stances, this research provides a new insight on processes of politicization at a moment of broader democratization in French and Italian politics (1902-19 in Italy, 1902-33 in France). I could identifyied a "liberal" path of politicization for the French organization: French Catholic Women officially supported the Republic and since 1902 enteredparticipated since 1902 in the political arena through financing and canvassing for male candidates. This path is quite different to the "instransigeant" Italian one. In Italy, since the suffrage was restricted, the Catholic Church forbade Catholic women to enter the political competition. In this perspective, the association used lobbying and cultural action to influence male politicians and led them to propose laws in favour of the Church and of women (i.e. mothers). ; Cette recherche historique qui croise les apports des études de genre, de la science politique et de la sociologie religieuse met en lumière la façon singulière dont les militantes d'action féminine catholique sont venues à la politique en France et en Italie durant les premières décennies du XXe siècle. Deux associations catholiques féminines de masse ont fait l'objet de cette analyse comparée : la Ligue patriotique des Françaises active de 1902 à 1933 et l'Unione fra le donne cattoliche d'Italia ...

Thèse de socio-histoire comparée du politique rédigée entre 2002 et 2007 dans le cadre d'une co-tutelle franco-italienne. ; This PhD deals with the forms of public and political activism developed by conservative Catholic women in the Italian Unione fra le donne cattoliche d'Italia (UDCI) and the French Ligue patriotique des Françaises (LPDF) before the 1944 and 1945 that allows full citizenship to French and Italian women. It led me to explore in depth two distinct paths by which such organizations managed to mobilize, and politicize conservative women, despite their avowedly non-feminist and non-political ideologies stances. By examining individual political trajectories in the context of collective political stances, this research provides a new insight on processes of politicization at a moment of broader democratization in French and Italian politics (1902-19 in Italy, 1902-33 in France). I could identifyied a "liberal" path of politicization for the French organization: French Catholic Women officially supported the Republic and since 1902 enteredparticipated since 1902 in the political arena through financing and canvassing for male candidates. This path is quite different to the "instransigeant" Italian one. In Italy, since the suffrage was restricted, the Catholic Church forbade Catholic women to enter the political competition. In this perspective, the association used lobbying and cultural action to influence male politicians and led them to propose laws in favour of the Church and of women (i.e. mothers). ; Cette recherche historique qui croise les apports des études de genre, de la science politique et de la sociologie religieuse met en lumière la façon singulière dont les militantes d'action féminine catholique sont venues à la politique en France et en Italie durant les premières décennies du XXe siècle. Deux associations catholiques féminines de masse ont fait l'objet de cette analyse comparée : la Ligue patriotique des Françaises active de 1902 à 1933 et l'Unione fra le donne cattoliche d'Italia ...

La identidad política en el Antiguo Régimen coincide con la identidad social, no es individual sino corporativa y dotada de privilegios particulares específicos. La vecindad es a la vez concreta y territorial y como tal escapa a una perfecta generalización. Pero su ejercicio permite cierto nivel de participación política que, de manera acorde con una sociedad inseparable de una estructura clasificatoria y de una concepción jerárquica, tiende a la consolidación de grupos caracterizados por niveles de riqueza y de poder, con privilegios especiales que, en su conjunto les garantiza el control jurídico de los municipios mediante el manejo de mecanismos de inclusión/exclusión que contraponen en sus extremos las condiciones del vecino y del forastero. La vecindad permite también al nivel microcósmico de la aldea, la reproducción de los principios y criterios que caracterizan la naturaleza del subdito al nivel macropolítico del reino, como opuesto al extranjero ; Political identity in the Old Regime shares certain characteristics with social identity; it is not individual but corporate, and endowed with specific particular privileges. Vecindad is at once concrete and territorial and as such it escapes perfect generalization. But its exercise allows a certain level of political participation that, in a manner befitting an organic society with a classificatory structure and a hierarchical conception, tends to promote the consolidation of groups along lines of wealth and power. These groups enjoyed special privileges that as a whole guarantee them juridical control of the municipalities, through mechanisms of inclusion/exclusion that define the vecino and «outsider». Vecindad also allows, at the microcosmic level of the village, the reproduction of the same principles and criteria that characterize the citizenship at the macro-political national level, and place this status in opposition to that of the foreigner. ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

Following their furtive emergence in the 1960ies, children and youth town councils have develloped in France mostly since the 1980ies. This phenomenon has been studied from the sociological point of view, referring to Pierre BOURDIEU's systematic theory of the habitus and the field. Through the analysis of the representations and the characteristics of 75 agents issuing from the local political field, to put in place youth councils is demonstrated as being political strategies and are, therefore, submitted to some determinisms depending on their reference space. The representations of the agents about youth councils relate to antagonistic models homologically connected to their political adherences. They are also determined by their age and their relationship with children and youth in their family, professional and association life. The social meaning of the political recourse to youth is to be related to the crisis of politics which is perceptible through the increasing abstentionism, the distrust of people towards politicians, and the rise of the Front National. Thus the establishment of youth councils appears as a search, by the local representatives, for an increase in their representativity and for a reinforcement of the established political order and of the democratic values from which their legitimity derives. Children and youth, owing to their political innocence, may avoid criticism to the representatives who set them up and may incarnate political commitment in its noblest form. This strategy is all the more efficient as it denies its political stake. Under the cover of teaching citizenship, youth councils realise a sensibilisation to the elementary rules of political game and to their acceptation. The promoters of youth councils only duplicate existing forms of democracy although they sometimes think they invent new forms. ; Après une apparition furtive dans les années 60, les conseils municipaux d'enfants et de jeunes se sont principalement développés depuis les années 80 en France. Le phénomène a ...

Recent UK government statements and education policies have emphasized the need to instil a 'culture of aspiration' among young people in deprived communities to address social exclusion. Specific proposals include raising the school leaving age to 18 and extending compulsory employment training. These statements and measures express the employment-oriented model of citizenship that underpins New Labour's approach to social justice. This article reflects on this approach by discussing survey evidence that explored the attitudes towards education and employment among young people in a deprived community in Glasgow. These data show that the majority of these young people were ambitious regarding their post-school career paths and optimistic about their employment prospects.

This electronic version has been made available under a Creative Commons (BY-NC-ND) open access license. This book explores the pervasive influence of pacifism on Victorian feminism. It provides an account of Victorian women who campaigned for peace, and of the many feminists who incorporated pacifist ideas into their writing on women and gender. The book explores feminists' ideas about the role of women within the empire, their eligibility for citizenship, and their ability to act as moral guardians in public life. It shows that such ideas made use - in varying ways - of gendered understandings of the role of force and the relevance of arbitration and other pacifist strategies. The book examines the work of a wide range of individuals and organisations, from well-known feminists such as Lydia Becker, Josephine Butler and Millicent Garrett Fawcett to lesser-known figures such as the Quaker pacifists Ellen Robinson and Priscilla Peckover

The purpose of this master's thesis is to analyze the recent attempt of the English school to approach the European Union as regional international society where identification rests on common values. The future of the EU society is at stake since the Union is becoming more heterogeneous than before. Immigration is a very topical issue in Europe because of its ageing population, negative impacts of illegal immigration and the problems of third country nationals' integration. Community immigration policy reveals the use of collectively agreed European values in real policy-making process. Since it is argued that the future of the EU is based on common values, the values presented in this policy disclose us the future of the Union from an immigrant's perspective. The theoretical framework is based on the work of English school, Ole Waever's and Vilho Harle's notions about Otherness and Gerard Delanty's idea about post-national citizenship. The empirical material consists of Community immigration policy documents and immigration policy programs and plans of Germany and Finland. It was studied by reflecting principally the ideas from theoretical part, with the notion of discourses and with the methodology of typification. There appears that the European Union can be comprehended as a regional international and world society where self-identification with values is vital for its common future. The clear implication is that the collective European identity cannot be based on dubious myths. Rather the self-identification should be founded on collective values that are declared in the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU. Multiculturalism and increasing presence of the 'Other' have profoundly transformed the EU transnational/world society. The European Commission desires to reduce tension between Us (EU citizens) and Them (third country nationals) by typifying the Others in the Community immigration policy documents, because Europeans apprehend the Others by the meaning they have for them. However, even though typification may reduce opposition to immigration, it does not remove the feeling of Otherness. The only way to diminish it is to identify with common values. Therefore European identity should be based on a normative value concept that unites all Europeans (both citizens and residents). The values of the EU society are linked to economical and social interests. The documents reveal that even though the macro-economical values play significant part in the immigration policy formation on both levels, EU and national, the values of the Charter are included in these plans for the future of the EU as well. Even possibility to form a new kind of EU citizenship is mentioned by the Commission and the European Council. From these arguments the thesis suggests that a post-national citizenship could provide a new normative model for collective European identity founded on two principles: recognition of the Charter's values and the residency in the Union. This new form of EU citizenship should be the bedrock of the Community immigration policy. It would diminish the dichotomy between Us and Them and the need for typifications. Thus it would reduce reasons for racism but improve also the integration of third-country nationals in the Union. The future of the EU should include equally all residents of the Union. ; TABLE OF CONTENTS PART ONE: INTRODUCTION FOREWORD 3 1. THE PREMISES AND OBJECTIVES 4 2. DEFINITIONS OF CONCEPTS AND TERMS 8 2.1. Politics in Discourses 8 2.2. European Integration: Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy 10 2.3. The Dismissal of Neofunctionalism and the Notion of Evolving Sovereignty 11 2.4. Security Today 13 2.5. Search for Identity 15 2.6. Values in Social Sciences and Political Theory 18 PART TWO: THEORETICAL AND METHODOLOGICAL BACKGROUND 3. THE ENGLISH SCHOOL 21 3.1. The Three Traditions 22 3.2. Buzan's Proposal for Reconvening the English School 28 3.3. Jørgensen's critic 29 4. THE ENGLISH SCHOOL COURTS WITH THE EUROPEAN INTEGRATION 32 4.1. International Society and World Society Reconsidered 33 4.2. The Case of Europe 34 5. US AND THEM 37 5.1. Europe as a Concept - The Idea of Europe 38 5.2. European Identity Dilemma 40 5.3. Constructing Differences 45 6. ATTEMPTS TO APPREHEND THE OTHER 50 7. NEW EUROPEAN IDENTITY 55 7.1. Ethnic vs. Civic (Constitutional) Identity 58 7.2. Post-national Citizenship 62 PART THREE: ANALYSIS THE EU WOLRD SOCIETY AND VALUES IN THE COMMUNITY IMMIGRATION POLICY 67 8. INTRODUCTION TO THE RESEARCH SUBJECT: THE COMMUNITY IMMIGRATION POLICY 67 8.1. Changing and Ageing Europe 68 8.2. The Evolution of Community Immigration Policy 72 8.3. The Scenario of Fortress Europe 76 9. VALUES OF THE EU IN THE CHARTER OF FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS 79 10. RESPONSES OF THE EU ON THE COMMUNITY IMMIGRATION POLICY 85 10.1. Values Set Out in the CIP 85 10.2. Typification and Classification of the Other 92 10.3. European Civic Citizenship 95 11. TWO NATIONAL POLICIES: GERMANY AND FINLAND 96 PART FOUR: CONCLUSIONS 12. THE FUTURE OF EUROPE FROM AN IMMIGRANT'S PERSPECTIVE 100 BIBLIOGRAPHY 104 ATTACHMENTS

Los movimientos migratorios procedentes del resto de España constituyen la base del crecimiento de la población catalana hasta la década de los 1970s. En los últimos años se ha iniciado un nuevo flujo migratorio procedente de países no comunitarios que, lejos de estabilizarse, se ha acelerado, diversificado y extendido a todo el territorio. Sin lugar a dudas, el gobierno de la Generalitat de Catalunya cuenta con una larga trayectoria en el desarrollo de políticas de inmigración, que arranca con el PLA INTERDEPARTAMENTAL D'IMMIGRACIÓ (1993-2000). Sin embargo, el tercer y último plan, el PLA DE CIUTADANIA I IMMIGRACIÓ 2005-2008, aunque con una voluntad continuista, introduce novedades tanto conceptualmente como en cuanto a las líneas estratégicas. Entre dichas novedades destacan el lenguaje de la ciudadanía residente, la incorporación de la identidad como criterio a la hora de orientar las políticas o el establecimiento de líneas prioritarias en correlación con los objetivos políticos. Si bien se trata de un plan marcado por la incertidumbre política y que todavía no puede ser evaluado en su impacto, el artículo reflexiona sobre cómo las directrices y contenidos del Plan pretenden consolidar la denominada "vía catalana" de integración. ; Migratory movements from the rest of Spain were the foundation for Catalonia's population growth until 70s. In the last years, we assist to the beginning of a new wave of immigration from non communitarian countries, which, far from becoming stable, has increased, diversified and extended throughout the territory. Certainly, the Government of the Generalitat has a long history of developing policies on immigration, with the first Interdepartmental Immigration Plan (1993-2000) in 1993. Nevertheless, the third and last Plan, The Citizenship and Immigration Plan (2005-2008), although it maintains coherence with some of the containts and guidelines of previous plans, it introduces important innovations, as well as a new concept of citizenship based on residence, the incorporation of identity as a criteria to define policies or the definition of areas for priority action. Although this plan has been marked for political uncertainty and it can't be evaluated yet, in the article we discuss how the principles of the plan want to consolidate the named "catalan way" of integration.

Los movimientos migratorios procedentes del resto de España constituyen la base del crecimiento de la población catalana hasta la década de los 1970s. En los últimos años se ha iniciado un nuevo flujo migratorio procedente de países no comunitarios que, lejos de estabilizarse, se ha acelerado, diversificado y extendido a todo el territorio. Sin lugar a dudas, el gobierno de la Generalitat de Catalunya cuenta con una larga trayectoria en el desarrollo de políticas de inmigración, que arranca con el PLA INTERDEPARTAMENTAL D'IMMIGRACIÓ (1993-2000). Sin embargo, el tercer y último plan, el PLA DE CIUTADANIA I IMMIGRACIÓ 2005-2008, aunque con una voluntad continuista, introduce novedades tanto conceptualmente como en cuanto a las líneas estratégicas. Entre dichas novedades destacan el lenguaje de la ciudadanía residente, la incorporación de la identidad como criterio a la hora de orientar las políticas o el establecimiento de líneas prioritarias en correlación con los objetivos políticos. Si bien se trata de un plan marcado por la incertidumbre política y que todavía no puede ser evaluado en su impacto, el artículo reflexiona sobre cómo las directrices y contenidos del Plan pretenden consolidar la denominada "vía catalana" de integración. ; Migratory movements from the rest of Spain were the foundation for Catalonia's population growth until 70s. In the last years, we assist to the beginning of a new wave of immigration from non communitarian countries, which, far from becoming stable, has increased, diversified and extended throughout the territory. Certainly, the Government of the Generalitat has a long history of developing policies on immigration, with the first Interdepartmental Immigration Plan (1993-2000) in 1993. Nevertheless, the third and last Plan, The Citizenship and Immigration Plan (2005-2008), although it maintains coherence with some of the containts and guidelines of previous plans, it introduces important innovations, as well as a new concept of citizenship based on residence, the incorporation of identity as a criteria to define policies or the definition of areas for priority action. Although this plan has been marked for political uncertainty and it can't be evaluated yet, in the article we discuss how the principles of the plan want to consolidate the named "catalan way" of integration.

La historiografía argentina ha identificado la década de 1810 como la etapa de la revolución y la guerra de independencia de España así como del fracaso de la construcción de un nuevo sujeto, dando lugar en -1820- al periodo de las autonomías provinciales. Sin embargo, en las provincias de Santa Fe (1819), Corrientes (1821, 1824) y Entre Ríos (1822) extendieron la calidad de ciudadano a todos los americanos residentes en ellas y mantuvieron sus propias políticas sobre la independencia. Ello fue producto de tensiones regionales y locales expresadas en los acuerdos y conflictos, en el consenso y en los pactos. El presente trabajo se propone destacar la importancia de la construcción de la ciudadanía política entre 1816-1824 en Santa Fe, Corrientes y Entre Ríos y su relación con la independencia de las Provincias Unidas. ; The Argentinean Historiography has identified the 1810s as the period of the revolution and war of independence from Spain as well as of the failure to construct a new subject of sovereign imputation, leading -in 1820- to the period of provincial autonomies. However, the provinces of Santa Fe (1819), Corrientes (1821 and 1824) and Entre Ríos (1822) gave citizenship to every American inhabiting them and kept their own policies about the independence of Spain. This was the result of local and regional tensions expressed in agreements and conflicts, consensus and pacts. This paper aims to highlight the importance of the building of political citizenship in the early years of the 1820s in the provinces of Santa Fe, Corrientes and Entre Ríos and its relationship to the Declaration of Independence of the United Provinces. ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

This article, research product, proposes a significant proposal regarding the need to renew the legal argument of the law. As a political commitment, the juridical-philosophical study places the rights of citizenship not only in the humanist tendency that constitutionalizes the inclusive dialogue of knowledge but in the action without damage that legitimates the idea of promoting legal equality as a right, a goal of sustainable development and Opportunity of life free of violence by gender. ; El presente artículo, producto de investigación, plantea una propuesta significativa respecto a la necesidad de renovar el argumento jurídico del Derecho. Como apuesta política sitúa el estudio jurídico-filosófico para reivindicar los derechos de ciudadanía no solo en la tendencia humanista que constitucionaliza el dialogo incluyente de saberes sino en la acción sin daño que legítima la idea de promover igualdad jurídica como derecho, objetivo de desarrollo sostenible y oportunidad de vida libre de violencias por condición de género.