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Over the years, the debate on whether or not there is a nexus between religion and politics has been a matter of considerable dispute among religious people, particularly among Christians. In response to such dispute, this paper argues that politics and religion are not only strongly connected, they are mutually compatible, both practically and theoretically. A working model to prove the workability of the compatibility of religion and politics in this paper will be Gandhism or better put – Gandhian philosophy. Some Indian-Hindu principles employed by Gandhi as roots of his philosophy (Gandhism) will be outlined and explained with reference to the Nigerian situation. Also, the employment of Gandhism as a working model will reveal that politics pervades all religions, and consequently, Gandhism embraces Christianity, Hinduism, Islam and other religious faiths and creeds provided that such a believer's love for mankind is unshakable. The conclusion will be that religion and politics are inseparable. But Religion and politics if not well managed and coordinated could be a curse and a source of worry for the society. Gandhi's linkage of religion and politics is also in tune with the present day enlightened securalism.

In this article, American philosopher and founder of speculative realism, Graham Harman (born 1968) analyzes two types of political philosophy: the politics of truth, and the politics of power. Central to the former is the idea of access to political truth; for the latter it's the idea that «might makes right». According to Harman, both approaches rely on the same ontological mistake. This mistake consists in ignoring the role of objects in the service of something greater or smaller than those objects. Harman proposes a way to solve this error by providing a sketch of an object-oriented ontology, and a political philosophy that follows from it. In his opinion, it is free of the defects of the politics of truth and power. Harman draws the theoretical resources for this presentation from Martin Heidegger's writings on Hölderlin.

Explores changes in the socialist nation's government, economy, agrarian sector, and social conditions related to race and gender, in context of collapse of the Soviet Union and foreign relations with the US; 8 articles. Contents: Cuba: the challenges of being global and socialist--at the same time, by Pedro Monreal; The effects of the reform on Cuba's social structure: an overview, by Mayra Paula Espina Prieto; Cuban strategies for women's employment in the 1990s: a case study of professional women, by Marta Núñez Sarmineto; Recreating racism: race and discrimination in Cuba's "special period", by Alejandro de la Fuente; The Cuban political system in the 1990s: continuity and change, by Juan Valdés Paz; People's power in the organization of the Cuban socialist state, by Jesús Pastor García Brigos; Cuba's agriculture after the new reforms: between stagnation and sustainable development, by Hans-Jürgen Burchardt; The relationship between participation and managerial autonomy in Cuba's basic units of cooperative production: six case studies, by Niurka Pérez Rojas and Dayma Echevarría León.

THE CURRENT RUSH TO MULTI-PARTY POLITICS MAY BE SOCIALLY AND ECONOMICALLY JUSTIFIED, BUT IT IS IMPORTANT NOT TO CONFUSE PARTISAN POLITICAL COMPETITION WITH DEMOCRACY. ONE-PARTY PARLIAMENTS HAVE BEEN AND CAN CONTINUE TO BE EXTREMELY EFFECTIVE DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS. MOREOVER, PARLIAMENTS FUNCTIONING IN A NON-PARTY SYSTEM CAN ACHIEVE RESPONSIBLE DEMOCRATIC GOVERNMENT BY REACHING CONSENSUS SOLUTIONS DEBATED ON THE MERITS OF A CASE, RATHER THAN ON PARTISAN DIFFERENCES.

Parks in Peril: People, Politics, and Protected Areas. Katrina Brandon. Kent H. Redford. and Steven E. Sanderson. eds. Washington, DC: Island Press, 1998. 519 pp.

Nature no longer exists apart from humanity. Henceforth, the world we will inhabit is the one we have made. Geologists have called this new planetary epoch the Anthropocene, the Age of Humans. The geological strata we are now creating record industrial emissions, industrial-scale crop pollens, and the disappearance of species driven to extinction. Climate change is planetary engineering without design. These facts of the Anthropocene are scientific, but its shape and meaning are questions for politics – a politics that does not yet exist. After Nature develops a politics for this post-natural world. Jedediah Purdy begins with a history of how Americans have shaped their landscapes. He explores the competing traditions that still infuse environmental law and culture – a frontier vision of settlement and development, a wilderness-seeking Romanticism, a utilitarian attitude that tries to manage nature for human benefit, and a twentieth-century ecological view. These traditions are ways of seeing the world and humans' place in it. They are also modes of lawmaking that inscribe ideal visions on the earth itself. Each has shaped landscapes that make its vision of nature real, from wilderness to farmland to suburbs – opening some new ways of living on the earth while foreclosing others. The Anthropocene demands that we draw on all these legacies and go beyond them. With human and environmental fates now inseparable, environmental politics will become either more deeply democratic or more unequal and inhumane. Where nothing is pure, we must create ways to rally devotion to a damaged and ever-changing world. ; https://scholarship.law.columbia.edu/books/1160/thumbnail.jpg

Robert Briggs thinks the politics of animals and animality beyond the critique of anthropocentrism and the concerns of biopolitics. He lays out an original interpretation of Derrida's work which takes the question of the animal beyond the critique of political and philosophical anthropocentrism.

What should be done about trafficking in women? Aradau shows that the problematization of trafficking as a security issue limits what can be done. Exploring the complex relationship between security, politics and subjectivity, this book suggests new forms of action which transcend security practices

"Psychoanalytic Reflections on Politics: Fatherlands in Mothers' Hands reflects how people's desires, fantasies and emotions shape political events and social phenomena. It highlights the mythical sources of today's political projects, the power of political imagination, and the function of symbolism in political thought. Eszter Salgó

"Psychoanalytic Reflections on Politics: Fatherlands in Mothers' Hands reflects how people's desires, fantasies and emotions shape political events and social phenomena. It highlights the mythical sources of today's political projects, the power of political imagination, and the function of symbolism in political thought. Eszter Salg.

This article examines the recurrent 'politics of indigeneity' in Manipur with the emerging notions of space and territoriality, and the increasing demand for 'political space' by marginal groups. The perpetual xenophobic anxiety and perceived threat of 'homogenization', which aroused the drive for 'ethnic revivalism' in recent years, have been dominating the state's day-to-day ethno-political life. Treating 'tribes as indigenous people' and the synonymous usage of 'indigenous people as original inhabitant', the ethno-politics of territory translates into the 'politics of indigeneity'. The emergent 'indigenous tribe' politics is a strategy not only to claim further rights and entitlements from the state but also to question the 'indigeneity' of certain marginal 'others' in the state and their rights.

The Gulf monarchies - Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, Oman, and the United Arab Emirates - play crucial roles in world markets and politics. Their economies, which have traditionally been driven by oil revenues, have simultaneously propelled transformative change and preserved the traditional order. Fossil fuel wealth has underwritten an implicit social contract characterized by generous welfare states, ruler-centric politics, and a heavy state presence in the economy, facilitating stability during tumultuous times. However, as the transition toward renewable energy looms, will the Gulf monarchies be able to adapt? David B. Roberts offers a definitive guide to continuity and change in the Gulf region. He explores the forces challenging and bolstering the status quo across the political, social, economic, military, and environmental dimensions of security. Roberts examines the six monarchies individually and holistically, considering their recent histories and contemporary concerns. Beneath wide-ranging changes affecting these countries, he pinpoints key dynamics and structures that have persisted over the long term. The book examines key topics such as generational change in leadership, migrant workers, female labor force participation, U.S. military influence, and the multifaceted threat of climate change. Roberts scrutinizes how a move away from the oil-centered economic model could reverberate across the social spectrum, with profound implications for security.

As presented by Georgio Agamben, the notion of sacer (sacred) appears to be an unavoidable element to analyze the structure of occidental political thought from its very beginning up to the present time. Such interpretation throws new ideas on an essential question: the relationship between politics and economy in Aristotle, the one who had the most complete political project of the ancient world. In that sense, money has a privileged place to deepen Aristotle's thought. As much in the critique of accumulation and the usury that takes place in his analysis of chrematistics (Politics 1256b-1258a) as well as in the need to consecrate ill-gotten gains in democracies (Politics 1320a), it is clear that money appears in crucial points for defining the relationship between sacred and profane, between politics and the economy. The attempt of this communication will be, then, to make a concrete study of the Aristotelian passages previously mentioned along with commentary on some complementary notes taken from the Nicomaquean Ethics and the Constitution of Athens and to integrate them with Agamben's explanation of the Homo Sacer. For that reason, categories as 'sacred', 'use', and 'exclusion' will be fundamental for this study.

The purpose of this paper is to review the key analytical developments in international trans-boundary water politics and to shed light on the important, but overlooked, issue of ecosystems. The scholarship has gained greater breadth than the narrowly focused 'water war' discussion of two decades ago. The understanding of power and power relations has given greater nuance to why and how conflict and cooperation occur in international trans-boundary river basins. A new conceptual approach, the Transboundary Waters Interaction Nexus (TWINS), is discussed briefly to show how the analysis of coexisting conflict and cooperation provides an insight into the cross-sector linkages of water and the resulting interests and motives governing water use and allocation. However, it is argued that much of the literature is anthropocentric and frames the natural environment through a human lens. This paper calls for more attention to the ways in which the analytical framework on trans-boundary water interaction can include ecosystems as legitimate users. The paper concludes with some suggestions for future research and policy discussions.

Conservatism and Pragmatism builds on the insights of classical British conservative thought and classical American pragmatist philosophy in order to illustrate the methodological norms which inform inquiry into ethics, politics, law, and history. The conservative is skeptical of the ahistorical rationalism that permeates social contract and deliberative democratic theory in politics, deontology and utilitarianism in ethics, and formalism in law. A skeptical conservative begins inquiry, not with a priori principles, but within the received traditions, customs, and cultural experiences of some particular context, much as a pragmatist begins inquiry with experience. Both of these methodologies eschew the false universalism of a priori thinking, and turn instead to localized, contextual, and experiential inquiry. The pragmatist and conservative skeptic of rationalism includes aesthetic dimensions of experience in theoretical reflections about morality. The conservative and pragmatist attend to custom, habit, and experience, not first principles, but in moral, political, and legal inquiries.