Suchergebnisse

The article presents the transformative potentials of Jure Detela's political thought on the basis of the texts that emerged from his social activism. In the period of the student movement, Detela established himself on the political left; his initial works are marked by a socialist political perspective, and later he became receptive to the political ideas of anarchism. In the 1980s, Detela was the first in the Slovenian public sphere to criticise imprisonment as the predominant mode of punishment and to demand the abolition of the death penalty. He developed arguments against the death penalty on the basis of an understanding of the interrelatedness of personal and structural violence. In the complex context of the disintegration of the Yugoslav socialist system and the accompanying socio-political changes, Detela began to conceive the Pacifist Alliance social movement. His concept of pacifism is very close to A. J. Muste's concept of revolutionary pacifism; in both cases, pacifism is intertwined with justice—Detela disdained the search for peace without it. ; U radu su, na osnovi Detelinih tekstova baziranih na društvenom aktivizmu, prikazani transformativni potencijali njegove političke misli. U periodu studentskog pokreta Jure Detela profilisao se u političkoj levici; početke njegovog delovanja karakteriše socijalistička politička perspektiva, dok je kasnije postao odan političkoj ideji anarhizma. Osamdesetih godina 20. veka je na prostoru Slovenije plasirao kritiku zatvorskog sistema kao preovladavajućeg načina kažnjavanja i povezao je s ciljevima za ukidanje smrtne kazne. Argumente protiv smrtne kazne predstavlja bazirajući se na razumevanju međusobne povezanosti ličnog i strukturnog nasilja i njihovog zajedničkog uticaja. U kompleksnom kontekstu raslojavanja jugoslovenskog socijalističkog sistema počeo je s osnivanjem pokreta Pacifistički savez. Detelin koncept pacifizma je vrlo blizak Mustijevom konceptu revolucionarnog pacifizma: i kod Detele је koncept pacifizma prepleten s pravdom – težnja ka odsustvu nasilja bez ultimativnog zahtevanja za pravdom za njega nije bila prihvatljiva.

This research works of this PhD is about the new form of citizen expression, it leads to interrogate the political and numerical articulation, in the conflictual process of qualifying/disqualifaying online political discourse. In front of usual critics against modern democracy, we are trying in a first time to put in light the deficiencies and the natural and structural problems it set up for Citizen representation. While internet is oftenly conceive as a new public space able to breathe a democratic renewal, we apprehend it as a device of struggle for the visibility of social actors, in their ideas but also underlied ideology. Comments published on the Facebook page of 2013 named "Soutien au bijoutier de Nice", are the principal study material we analyze with a mixed methodology of lexicometry and discourse analysis. From a heuristic approach, we observe a first enunciative tension between the individual staging of self-exposure and the attempts to found a shared identity. The debate which gathers from subjects of polarized discussions and concentrated interactions reveals a strong emotional charge which is reflected globally throughout these exchanges: expressivity, mockery and verbal violence. The latter respond to socio-political issues for their recognition: in terms of notoriety, reputation, legitimacy, truth / veracity. This majority discourse, which we also characterize, by certain traits of "discourse of the moral order", denotes a new way of "saying" politics, which consists in getting rid of overarching general considerations in order to reconsider the narratives of life, everyday narrations and testimonials. They would dress almost in an "apolitical" speech, often proudly displayed as "anti-political", but which remains resolutely political. This apolitical trend is also one of the caracteristics of a new online audience, the meso-group: a collective medium, pro-reactive and corporatist, difficult to identify. ; Le travail de recherche de cette thèse porte sur les nouvelles formes de l'expression ...

Heritage-making, also known as heritagization, is the process by which various actors assign different values to cultural identity based on specific interests. As a product of day-to-day living, heritage is created and recreated through perceptions and practices motivated by various reasons, which could be social, economic, or political. In Kenya, like in most African countries, heritagization of culture has historically been used by ethnic and other sub-national groups in the creation and maintenance of ethno-political, local, and regional identities. Heritagization has also been used by the state in the perpetual creation of Kenyan national identity and nation-statehood. Historically, the centrifugal forces that create ethno-political and local identities have been seen to pull against the centripetal force geared towards the creation of Kenyan national identity and nation-statehood. Almost sixty years after independence, realization of a unitary Kenyan identity and nationhood has been hindered by perpetual ethnic politicization and state centralization instituted partly through identity instrumentalization and heritagization. While the origins of objectification, institutionalization and politicization of ethnicity, and centralisation of the state have been attributed to the colonial period, perpetual political heritagization of ethnic identity and state ethnicization by the political elite in the post-colonial period led to ethnic animosity which culminated with the 2007/08 Post-Election Violence (PEV). The desire and determination by Kenyans to imagine and 'create' a new Kenyan nation with equal opportunities for all led to the promulgation of a new constitution on August 27th, 2010. The constitution, which was premised on devolution of power to the people was heralded as the concretization of a unitary Kenyan nationhood. By recognizing "culture as the foundation of the nation and as the cumulative civilisation of the Kenyan people and nation (Art. 11), "the constitution promotes the concept of 'Unity in ...

In a recent period Brazil has been going through a deep political crisis, the most emblematic moment of which was the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff in 2016. Two years later, Jair Bolsonaro was elected President of the Republic, with a political platform based on combating violence and corruption, and on a moral agenda that includes combating "gender ideology" and "cultural Marxism". In this context, the social sciences come to be strongly attacked in the public sphere, by spreading the idea that teachers are "ideologically indoctrinating" students in the classroom. In this article I analyze the challenges for teaching social sciences in Brazil today in this political scenario. Methodologically the article focuses on documentary and bibliographic analysis. I carried out a bibliographic review with the most recent publications on the current political situation in Brazil, as well as examined statements by the president of the republic and the two ministers of education that there was in his government on the social sciences. There was a scenario of political inflection, marked by an attack on the social sciences in the public sphere, with a focus on school subjects. Despite the data pointing to a challenging scenario for social science teachers, I argue that it is precisely in these contexts that these sciences are most necessary, considering their role in the formation for the citizenship and the commitment to a democratic project for society. ; En un período reciente, Brasil ha atravesado una profunda crisis política, cuyo momento más emblemático fue la destitución de la presidenta Dilma Rousseff en 2016. Dos años después, Jair Bolsonaro fue elegido Presidente de la República, con una plataforma política basada en la lucha contra la violencia y la corrupción, y en una agenda moral que incluye combatir la "ideología de género" y el "marxismo cultural". En este contexto, las ciencias sociales se ven fuertemente atacadas en la esfera pública, con la difusión de la idea de que los profesores están ...

This research works of this PhD is about the new form of citizen expression, it leads to interrogate the political and numerical articulation, in the conflictual process of qualifying/disqualifaying online political discourse. In front of usual critics against modern democracy, we are trying in a first time to put in light the deficiencies and the natural and structural problems it set up for Citizen representation. While internet is oftenly conceive as a new public space able to breathe a democratic renewal, we apprehend it as a device of struggle for the visibility of social actors, in their ideas but also underlied ideology. Comments published on the Facebook page of 2013 named "Soutien au bijoutier de Nice", are the principal study material we analyze with a mixed methodology of lexicometry and discourse analysis. From a heuristic approach, we observe a first enunciative tension between the individual staging of self-exposure and the attempts to found a shared identity. The debate which gathers from subjects of polarized discussions and concentrated interactions reveals a strong emotional charge which is reflected globally throughout these exchanges: expressivity, mockery and verbal violence. The latter respond to socio-political issues for their recognition: in terms of notoriety, reputation, legitimacy, truth / veracity. This majority discourse, which we also characterize, by certain traits of "discourse of the moral order", denotes a new way of "saying" politics, which consists in getting rid of overarching general considerations in order to reconsider the narratives of life, everyday narrations and testimonials. They would dress almost in an "apolitical" speech, often proudly displayed as "anti-political", but which remains resolutely political. This apolitical trend is also one of the caracteristics of a new online audience, the meso-group: a collective medium, pro-reactive and corporatist, difficult to identify. ; Le travail de recherche de cette thèse porte sur les nouvelles formes de l'expression ...

This research works of this PhD is about the new form of citizen expression, it leads to interrogate the political and numerical articulation, in the conflictual process of qualifying/disqualifaying online political discourse. In front of usual critics against modern democracy, we are trying in a first time to put in light the deficiencies and the natural and structural problems it set up for Citizen representation. While internet is oftenly conceive as a new public space able to breathe a democratic renewal, we apprehend it as a device of struggle for the visibility of social actors, in their ideas but also underlied ideology. Comments published on the Facebook page of 2013 named "Soutien au bijoutier de Nice", are the principal study material we analyze with a mixed methodology of lexicometry and discourse analysis. From a heuristic approach, we observe a first enunciative tension between the individual staging of self-exposure and the attempts to found a shared identity. The debate which gathers from subjects of polarized discussions and concentrated interactions reveals a strong emotional charge which is reflected globally throughout these exchanges: expressivity, mockery and verbal violence. The latter respond to socio-political issues for their recognition: in terms of notoriety, reputation, legitimacy, truth / veracity. This majority discourse, which we also characterize, by certain traits of "discourse of the moral order", denotes a new way of "saying" politics, which consists in getting rid of overarching general considerations in order to reconsider the narratives of life, everyday narrations and testimonials. They would dress almost in an "apolitical" speech, often proudly displayed as "anti-political", but which remains resolutely political. This apolitical trend is also one of the caracteristics of a new online audience, the meso-group: a collective medium, pro-reactive and corporatist, difficult to identify. ; Le travail de recherche de cette thèse porte sur les nouvelles formes de l'expression ...

The chapters presented explore how varied agents of memory -- including the music we listen to, the (his)stories that we tell, and the political and social actions that we engage in -- create narratives of the past that critically contest and challenge xenophobic and nationalistic renderings of political possibilities for Europe and Canada. The goal of the volume as a whole is to foster innovative interdisciplinary and intercultural discussions on memory discourses as political, social, and creative collective ventures. In addition, the volume aims to contribute to the development of curriculum geared towards exploring the politics of memory in shaping present-day tensions and conflicts. Specific themes explored in the volume include: 1) How memory politics and narratives of the past frame and influence current political decisions and decision-making processes 2) How memory discourses and narratives of the past can be deployed as agents of change and resistance to destabilizing and fracturing discourses 3) How cultural narratives of the past and memorialization are interwoven with current public policy challenges relating to multiculturalism and diversity 4) The role of integrative national and transnational identities in the face of rising nationalism and xenophobic discourses ; "Narratives of Memory, Migration, and Xenophobia in the European Union and Canada" explores the role of memory and narratives of the past political tools and opportunities for cultural reconciliation. This is an edited volume that compiles the proceedings of an interdisciplinary conference and graduate field school that took place in the summer of 2017. The conference and field school brought together emerging and established scholars, students, musicians, composers from three different European nations (France, Hungary, and Germany) studying the European migrant crisis and Canadian students engaged in understanding Canadian history and experience with genocide, colonialism, and systemic violence and oppression of indigenous peoples. ...

The article discusses crisis models for the development of a political conflict, reflecting the extraordinary stage in the political and legal system of the state, caused by antagonistic contradictions, in which the warring parties, identifying themselves with state institutions or with the people / part of the people, use violence to direct their actions to capture power, overthrow / conservation of existing political structures, political and physical destruction of the enemy. Specific signs of this phenomenon include: the presence of social, political, ideological, interpersonal contradictions, tense, mutually destructive relations between the opposing sides; a deep social stratification of society, which is characterized by an acute polarization of social group interests in society. ; У статті визначено кризові моделі розвитку політичного конфлікту, що відображає екстраординарний етап зміни політико-правової системи держави, який спричинений антагоністичними протиріччями і в якому протиборчі сторони, ідентифікуючи себе з державними інститутами або з народом / частиною народу, за допомогою насилля спрямовують свої дії на захоплення / збереження влади, повалення / консервування чинних політичних структур, політичного і фізичного знищення супротивника. До специфічних ознак цього явища віднесено: наявність соціальних, політичних, ідеологічних, міжособистих протиріч, напружених, взаємознищуючих відносин між протиборчими сторонами; глибоке соціальне розшарування суспільства, що має характер гострої поляризації соціально-групових інтересів у суспільстві. ; У статті визначено кризові моделі розвитку політичного конфлікту, що відображає екстраординарний етап зміни політико-правової системи держави, який спричинений антагоністичними протиріччями і в якому протиборчі сторони, ідентифікуючи себе з державними інститутами або з народом / частиною народу, за допомогою насилля спрямовують свої дії на захоплення / збереження влади, повалення / консервування чинних політичних структур, політичного і фізичного знищення супротивника. До специфічних ознак цього явища віднесено: наявність соціальних, політичних, ідеологічних, міжособистих протиріч, напружених, взаємознищуючих відносин між протиборчими сторонами; глибоке соціальне розшарування суспільства, що має характер гострої поляризації соціально-групових інтересів у суспільстві.

In modern African politics, terrorism and failed state syndrome have became prevalent and a challenge to democratic values and virtues of good governance, posing great threat and stress to the survival of domestic political systems. This increasing political stress is a product of competition and struggle for power and supremacy among players in the executive and legislative organs of government, which has reduced the parliament to a rubber stamp of power seekers as well as the use of electoral violence as instruments of regime change. Therefore, this study seeks to examine the root cause of political struggle and problems of good governance in Africa by analyzing the variables of intra elite crisis in the parliament and the quest for establishment of spheres of influence by players in the executive arm. The rivalry between both elites has created tremendous problems of governance and the desires of incumbent presidents to elongate their tenure by using the legislature to amend the constitution to suit their third term bid as was seen in Burundi. The games theory is used as a tool of analysis to describe the roles of elites in the intra power struggle for the control of the parliament which has made modern legislatures in Africa a new theater for proxy wars of domestic power seekers resulting in the collapse of parliamentary values and the ascendency of executive authoritarianism. This has made legislature in Africa weak and unstable culminating in the democratization of disempowerment of the citizens from the benefits of good governance, promoting poverty, political exclusion, apathy and frustration. Therefore, we conclude that intra elite struggle for power has provided the political mechanism for reshaping and influencing the legislative processes and powers of the parliament to satisfy the self interest of power seekers. I. S Ladan-Baki | C. Enwere "Intra-Elite Conflict and Problems of Governance in Nigeria: Imperatives of Games Theory in African Politics" Published in International Journal of Trend in ...

Can states reduce the risk of violent political conflict by simply refusing to collect or publish data on their ethnic makeup and change? This study addresses a neglected aspect of the ethnic conflict literature and provides the first systematic empirical study of the significance of recording ethnic affiliation in censuses for the risk of armed conflict. A general empirical regularity noted in the ethnic heterogeneity and civil war literature is that ethnicity is associated with a somewhat higher risk of conflict in bipolar societies. However, few quantitative studies focus on how changes in the relative strength of groups may affect the risk of civil war. Some recent literature indicates that differential growth may destabilize heterogeneous democracies internally. In democratic societies, political power is distributed according to popular support in elections. A changing balance between groups may thus alter the distribution of power in regimes where ethnic, linguistic or religious divisions to a certain extent determine voting behavior, and this may potentially lead to political instability and ultimately civil conflict. We argue that the relationship between differential growth and instability and violence may be even more important in semidemocracies with electoral systems, but with weak and inconsistent political institutions. We start from the premise that, for differential growth to become a potential driver of instability and violent conflict, information about such change has to be recorded with a national census and actually published. In a cross-national time-series study we investigate whether countries publishing identity data from censuses are at a greater risk of experiencing low-intensity armed conflict. We find that the effect of publishing data on group size is indeed mediated through political institutions. In countries with stable institutions, publication of population identity data is associated with a lower risk of conflict, whereas unstable institutional arrangements are associated with an increase conflict risk when publishing such data.

In his introduction to reading Zora Neale Hurston's politics, Mitchell argues that contemporary scholarship has misread Hurston in significant ways, distorting Hurston's work and reputation to serve contesting political agendas; thus, in recent years, she has been associated with "a bewildering array of affiliations: republican, libertarian, radical democrat, reactionary conservative, black cultural nationalist, anti-authoritarian feminist, and woman-hating protofascist." Recuperating Hurston from this impossible political melee of labels, Mitchell argues, requires a careful reading of Hurston's work dating from her earliest pieces in the late 1920s, as well as surveying her many yet to be published manuscripts and letters; it requires recognition of the transnational and comparative lens through which she reported on political maneuvers and military histories, as well as reading not only her strong criticisms but also her silences, ironic phrasings, and nuanced critiques in her writings on global colonial enterprises. Mitchell's introduction to the two Hurston essays here reprinted, "I Saw Negro Votes Peddled" (1950) and "Why the Negro Won't Buy Communism" (1951)—courtesy of the American Legion Magazine—is set in the larger frame of his assertion that Hurston's work should be read with a deep appreciation of her staunch anticolonialism. Tracing her political philosophy through her views of how race and religion are used to valorize an international culture of violence that serves imperialistic and colonial ends, Mitchell takes his reader on a tour of Hurston's transnational commentary—from the US occupation of Haiti, to the Spanish and British on the Florida peninsula; from Communist Russia and China, to election practices in the US—to set the stage for our encounters with these rarely read Hurston essays. Reading Mitchell's "Zora's Politics: A Brief Introduction" provides a firm foundation for a more complex understanding of the impressive range of Zora Neale Hurston's political and literary oeuvre.

In his introduction to reading Zora Neale Hurston's politics, Mitchell argues that contemporary scholarship has misread Hurston in significant ways, distorting Hurston's work and reputation to serve contesting political agendas; thus, in recent years, she has been associated with "a bewildering array of affiliations: republican, libertarian, radical democrat, reactionary conservative, black cultural nationalist, anti-authoritarian feminist, and woman-hating protofascist." Recuperating Hurston from this impossible political melee of labels, Mitchell argues, requires a careful reading of Hurston's work dating from her earliest pieces in the late 1920s, as well as surveying her many yet to be published manuscripts and letters; it requires recognition of the transnational and comparative lens through which she reported on political maneuvers and military histories, as well as reading not only her strong criticisms but also her silences, ironic phrasings, and nuanced critiques in her writings on global colonial enterprises. Mitchell's introduction to the two Hurston essays here reprinted, "I Saw Negro Votes Peddled" (1950) and "Why the Negro Won't Buy Communism" (1951)—courtesy of the American Legion Magazine—is set in the larger frame of his assertion that Hurston's work should be read with a deep appreciation of her staunch anticolonialism. Tracing her political philosophy through her views of how race and religion are used to valorize an international culture of violence that serves imperialistic and colonial ends, Mitchell takes his reader on a tour of Hurston's transnational commentary—from the US occupation of Haiti, to the Spanish and British on the Florida peninsula; from Communist Russia and China, to election practices in the US—to set the stage for our encounters with these rarely read Hurston essays. Reading Mitchell's "Zora's Politics: A Brief Introduction" provides a firm foundation for a more complex understanding of the impressive range of Zora Neale Hurston's political and literary oeuvre.

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Preface -- Chapter 1: Shock and Awe of Cultural Cataclysms -- Cultural Cataclysms -- 2016 in Context: Global Challenges to Democracy and Multiculturalism -- Collective "Shock and Awe" of Cataclysmic Cultural Disruption -- Survey Reactions to the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election -- First Reactions to Election Results -- Personal Associations to Election Results -- Vulnerability to Acute Stress Symptoms -- Expressed Concerns for Family and Friends -- Online Survey Results-One-Month Postinauguration -- Cultural Cataclysm and In-Group-Out-Group Power Relationships -- In-Group and Out-Group Equity-Guiding Principle Is to Investigate Intergroup Relationships -- Cultural Relativism-Guiding Principle of Tolerance -- Dominant Group Control of the Societal Stasis-Guiding Principle of Dominance -- Hegemony of Dominant In-Group-Guiding Principle of Elimination of Out-Groups -- Totalitarian Xenophobia-Guiding Principle of Out-Group Extermination -- Summary -- Chapter 2: Selling Biased Ideology, or How to Elect an Autocrat -- Fear Activation: Mortality Salience and Terror Threat -- Activating Deep Cultural Traditions -- Culturally Anchored Themes of Terror Threat -- Role of Perceived Economic Deprivation -- Examining the Rhetoric of Cataclysmic Change -- Connecting with the Common Man -- The Vision of Nostalgia -- Attacking the Standing Government and Its Institutions -- Core Elements of Hate-Based Political Rhetoric -- The Role of Rapid Social Media Messaging and Trump -- Linking Alt-Right and Populist Ideologies -- The Hard Facts: Consequences of Normalizing Hate -- Summary -- Chapter 3: We Aren't in Kansas Anymore: The Followers of Regime Change -- Psychology of the Follower: Economic Deprivation -- Economic Privation and Hate Activity -- Psychology of the Follower: Urban, Rural, and Regional Political Orientations.

Machine generated contents note: 1 FROM THE IMPOSSIBLE TO THE INEVITABLE -- 2 THE TIDE OF NATIONALISM AND THE -- MOBILIZATIONAL CYCLI -- 3 STRUCTURING NATIONALISM -- 4 "THICKENED" HISTORY AND THE MOBILIZATION -- OF IDENTITY -- 5 TIDES AND THE FAILURE OF NATIONALIST -- MOBILIZATION -- 6 VIOLENCE AND TIDES OF NATIONALISM -- 7 THE TRANSCENDENCE OF REGIMES OP -- REPRESSION -- 8 RUSSIAN MOBILIZATION AND THE -- ACCUMULATING "INEVITABILITY" OF -- SOVIET COLLAPSE -- 9 CONCLUSION: NATIONHOOD AND EVENT -- Appendix I PROCEDURES FOR APPLYING EVENT -- ANALYSIS TO THE STUDY OF SOVIET -- PROTEST IN THE GLASNOST' ERA -- Appendix n SOURCES FOR THE COMPILATION OF -- EVENT DATA IN A REVOLUTIONARY -- CONTEXT -- Index

While in the past, parent engagement was relatively neglected by school districts and only slightly attended to by scholars, there is a well-funded and fierce battle for the political voices of parents today, especially in low-income communities. Using observational data from school closing hearings in New York City, I argue, first, that the school-closings process pits parent groups and sectors of the community against one another in their similar quests for good schooling. Second, I discuss contradictory orientations toward parent engagement: one based on free market ideology, and another on principles of democratic participation and engaged citizenry. Finally, I argue that parent engagement is becoming a commodity in the larger battle over the direction of public education. Adapted from the source document.