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In 2019, Ireland declared a 'Climate Emergency,' receiving plaudits from across the political spectrum for doing so. Some argued the country was experiencing an era of 'new climate politics': In 2017, Ireland had established the first Citizens' Assembly on Climate, and in 2019 its Parliament debated a Climate Emergency Measures Bill, which was ground-breaking in its proposal to ban offshore oil and gas exploration. Yet, despite majority support for this Bill in Parliament, the minority Government blocked the legislation by refusing to grant a 'Money Message,' a potential veto activated following indication by an independent actor that a Bill would require the appropriation of public money. We introduce the concept of 'policy stifling' to capture how the Money Message was used to block the Climate Emergency Measures Bill. We conduct detailed process-tracing analysis, building on elite semi-structured interviews with policy makers and campaigners involved in the process. We argue that whilst the Government's stifling undermined the new era of elite climate politics, it simultaneously boosted an emerging grassroots climate politics movement with the potential for effecting more radical change in the longer term.

In 2019, Ireland declared a 'Climate Emergency,' receiving plaudits from across the political spectrum for doing so. Some argued the country was experiencing an era of 'new climate politics': In 2017, Ireland had established the first Citizens'Assembly on Climate, and in 2019 its Parliament debated a Climate Emergency Measures Bill, which was ground-breaking in its proposal to ban offshore oil and gas exploration. Yet, despite majority support for this Bill in Parliament, the minority Government blocked the legislation by refusing to grant a 'Money Message,' a potential veto activated following indication by an independent actor that a Bill would require the appropriation of public money. We introduce the concept of 'policy stifling' to capture how the Money Message was used to block the Climate Emergency Measures Bill. We conduct detailed process-tracing analysis, building on elite semi-structured interviews with policy makers and campaigners involved in the process. We argue that whilst the Government's stifling undermined the new era of elite climate politics, it simultaneously boosted an emerging grassroots climate politics movement with the potential for effecting more radical change in the longer term.

It is now more than 30 years since the launch of the bilateral:anada-U.S. Free TradeAgreement (CUFTA), predecessor to the multilateral North American Free Trade Agreement(NAFTA) and the (now abandoned) Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA). For a generation,these "free trade" initiatives provided an important part of the framework in which politicalmovements developed in Canada, engendering debates and controversies which continue to thisday. When a new moment of trade politics emerged with Donald Trump's challenge to NAFTA,some veterans from those earlier anti-free trade battles were unable to see the new, whitenationalist terrain upon which Trump was operating. This article - organized principally aroundthe author's own engagement with the anti-free trade movements of the 1980s - suggests that thisinability to see clearly the new context of anti-free trade politics was rooted in the incomplete andcontradictory left-nationalist theory which underpinned most anti-free trade politics of that earlierera. The article suggests that while there are national questions in Canada - in particular thoseassociated with Indigenous peoples and with Quebec - the attempt to articulate a parallel "nationalquestion" in Canada as a whole has proven to be impossible.

War and politics are closely interrelated. If it is assumed, as in the case of Clausewitz's famous principle, that "war is a mere continuation of policy by other means. is not merely a political act, but also a truly political instrument, a continuation of political commerce, a carrying out of the same by other means" (Von Clausewitz, 1976), then it should be acknowledged that war is a political act. But Foucault inverts Clausewitz's traditional conception of war and says that politics is the continuation of war by other means (Foucault, 2006: 165). Here the emphasis of the discussion on war moves on politics. So, how to limit conflict within the political arena? The question shifts from the concept of armed conflict (i.e., war) to that of political conflict, in which nations confront against each other with alternate means such assanctions, coercive diplomatic efforts, economic warfare, or as prelude to war (Carisch et al., 2017). ; Political Reflection, 7 (2), Issue 27 (April-May-June 2021). The author gratefully acknowledges the European Social Fund (ESF) and the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (FCT), Portugal, for supporting this work through grant SFRH/BD/136170/2018.

This article considers how we can develop a reflexive reading of the theological contours of global politics through Carl Schmitt's account of sovereignty. In doing this it seeks to generate a critical architecture to understand the pluralistic registers of sovereignty within world politics. This article examines the theological dimensions of sovereignty, calling for a closer reading of the theopolitical discourses of legality and legitimacy at work within the largely secular discipline of International Relations. Tracing the pluralistic dimensions of sovereignty – juristic, popular, and theopolitical – allows us to see how sovereignty is operationalised through a range of distinct political registers. When the study of sovereignty is confused with questions of preference for modes of governing (whether secular, religious, democratic, and/or juristic) the complex historical sociology of sovereignty is overlooked. Contemporary scholarship in International Relations can benefit from closer engagement with the multiple, overlapping registers of sovereignty in global politics. We may disagree with Schmitt's reading of sovereignty as 'theopolitics' but there is real methodological value in engaging secular scholarship in thinking about religion as a constitutive domain for global order – alongside a rich range of critical approaches.

Due to a narrative that speeches may assist with understanding gender identity indexical(s) in politics, this study aims to discover such meanings underneath the text production of Hillary Clinton's concession speech post-defeat in the latest US presidential election. Through Critical Discourse Analysis – Text as A Critical Object (CDA – TACO), it seems evident in Hillary Clinton's speech that there are patriotic lexical choices, parallelism, alliteration, anthropomorphization, and repetition for emphasis, personal pronoun "I" and "my", suggesting a certain degree of assertiveness, which are generally specific to male politicians (Reyes, 2015). There is a marked use of collective pronoun "we", "our", connoting a level of intimacy between the speaker and audience, interestingly however, evidenced not only on Clinton's speech but male politicians as wel, thus rendering it gender-neutral. Evidences of backgrounding, thus distancing self, when the politician utters disappointments are noticeable. Findings partially prove that gender-driven lexical choice by Hillary Clinton noticeably conforms to those of male orators in politics, although most of her expressions suggest commonality of political speeches. Limitations of the study are put forth.Keywords: gender; politics; identity indexical(s); CDA

The author of the article addressed the issue of the fundamental problem of religion, which is embezzlement of its basic spiritual (saving) function and focus on the implementation of substitute functions, especially in the area of politics. Its expression is the emergence of a political religion, understood as a form of placing politics in the service of religion or religion in the service of politics. The article has been divided into three parts, which present the nature of religion itself (1), selected threats related to its politicization (2) and the basic ways of preventing the emergence and maintenance of political religion (3). ; Autor artykułu podjął kwestię fundamentalnego problemu religii, którym jest sprzeniewierzenie się swej podstawowej funkcji duchowej (zbawczej) i skoncentrowanie się na realizacji funkcji zastępczych, zwłaszcza w obszarze polityki. Jej wyrazem jest powstanie religii politycznej, rozumianej jako forma umieszczania polityki w służbie religii lub religii w służbie polityki. Artykuł został podzielony na trzy części, w których przedstawiono naturę samej religii (1), wybrane zagrożenia związane z jej upolitycznieniem (2) oraz podstawowe sposoby zapobiegania powstawaniu i utrzymaniu religii politycznej (3).

Many commentators have described Barack Obama as a 'deracialized' politician. In contrast to 'racialized' Black candidates, deracialized politicians are said to deemphasize their Black racial identity, downplay the racial legacies of American inequality, and favor race-neutral over racially targeted policies. Puzzlingly, this narrative of Obama's racial politics sits incongruously with his political curriculum vitae, spent largely in contexts which are difficult to describe as deracialized. This article holds that commentators have misjudged Barack Obama's racial politics by conflating a contingent electoral strategy with a deeper expression of Obama's racial philosophical commitments. In explaining these commitments, the article finds the deracialized/racialized framing inadequate. Instead, it favors the typology of racial policy alliances situating Obama within the "race-conscious" policy alliance rather than the "color-blind" alliance. By returning to the site of Obama's political development, Hyde Park in Chicago, the paper uncovers a tradition of racial politics in which Blacks formed coalitions with progressive Whites but also embraced Black racial identity, acknowledged the enduring legacies of slavery and Jim Crow, and supported targeted policies to overturn these racial legacies. The article argues that Obama was an inheritor of this tradition.

AbstractMany commentators have described Barack Obama as a 'deracialized' politician. In contrast to 'racialized' Black candidates, deracialized politicians are said to deemphasize their Black racial identity, downplay the racial legacies of American inequality, and favor race-neutral over racially targeted policies. Puzzlingly, this narrative of Obama's racial politics sits incongruously with his politicalcurriculum vitae, spent largely in contexts which are difficult to describe as deracialized. This article holds that commentators have misjudged Barack Obama's racial politics by conflating a contingent electoral strategy with a deeper expression of Obama's racial philosophical commitments. In explaining these commitments, the article finds the deracialized/racialized framing inadequate. Instead, it favors the typology of racial policy alliances situating Obama within the "race-conscious" policy alliance rather than the "color-blind" alliance. By returning to the site of Obama's political development, Hyde Park in Chicago, the paper uncovers a tradition of racial politics in which Blacks formed coalitions with progressive Whites but also embraced Black racial identity, acknowledged the enduring legacies of slavery and Jim Crow, and supported targeted policies to overturn these racial legacies. The article argues that Obama was an inheritor of this tradition.

In this reply to Vassilios Paipais's review of my Void Universalism books I focus on two main points of my disagreement with Paipais. The first concerns the possibility of deriving universalist axioms of world politics from the ontology of the void discussed in the first volume, Ontology and World Politics. While Paipais rejects such a possibility and posits a contentless ontology of the political, I argue that it is possible to derive from void ontology the political axioms of community, equality and freedom understood as attributes of indiscernible 'whatever being'. The second pertains to the limitations on the world-political subject addressed in the second volume, Theory of the Political Subject. While Paipais is entirely correct in arguing that my notion of political subjectivity combines purism on the level of content with prudentialism with regard to form, I demonstrate that this combination is not a contradiction but is rather the precondition of politics as free praxis, whereby the politicisation of particular worlds in accordance with universal axioms always remains up to the subject.

In this reply to Vassilios Paipais's review of my Void Universalism books I focus on two main points of my disagreement with Paipais. The first concerns the possibility of deriving universalist axioms of world politics from the ontology of the void discussed in the first volume, Ontology and World Politics. While Paipais rejects such a possibility and posits a contentless ontology of the political, I argue that it is possible to derive from void ontology the political axioms of community, equality and freedom understood as attributes of indiscernible 'whatever being'. The second pertains to the limitations on the world-political subject addressed in the second volume, Theory of the Political Subject. While Paipais is entirely correct in arguing that my notion of political subjectivity combines purism on the level of content with prudentialism with regard to form, I demonstrate that this combination is not a contradiction but is rather the precondition of politics as free praxis, whereby the politicisation of particular worlds in accordance with universal axioms always remains up to the subject. ; Peer reviewed

Nowadays experts and expertise appear to be a central feaure in global governance. The more society gets complex the more political powers need to access to expert knowlegde. Apparently, contemporary politics has lost its old-fashoin goal of representivennes of specific societal interests to become a mere technocratic practice over efficient policy-making, insulating broad policy matters from public debate However, a depper understanding of the origins of conceptual tools in the studying of professional expertise show us the ambiavalent significance of expertise in global political economy. Theoretical and historical insights to the study of politics of expertise bring us to the study of the creation of newer expertise in the development of social relazions of propriety . Indeed, through the case study of Italian state-cadre class and public economists, the arguments hold that expertise could be conceptualised as a powerful device of creative strategies reproduction of dominant international division of labour as well as a powerful framework of managment of social conflicts. A narratative sustains the analysis of the politics of expertise in the making of neocostitutional-neoliberal Europe.

This article examines the behavior of Greek political parties before, as well as during, the recent austerity period. Drawing on coalition oversight and blame avoidance literature, it argues that the unpopularity of austerity governments leads to extreme levels of dissent within the coalition. I operationalize this 'intra-coalition opposition' behavior using parliamentary questions, a legislative institution that has not been studied in the context of coalition politics. The analysis demonstrates that junior members in unpopular austerity governments increase their use of parliamentary questions to a degree that matches or even exceeds the formal opposition. However, intra-coalition dissent is conditional on the type of unpopular government policies, and on the ideology of coalition members. Specifically, using a new method of text analysis, I show that while the socialist Panhellenic Socialist Movement uses its parliamentary questions to avoid or minimize the blame associated with austerity policies, the conservative New Democracy does not, because left-leaning parties are electorally vulnerable to austerity measures. The results have implications for studying dissent in coalition politics in general, and the politics of austerity in particular.

In diesem Beitrag werden die Redistribution von Mahlzeiten sowie Praktiken des Festefeierns in der frühen zentralisierten Gesellschat von Arslantepe VI A in Südostanatolien (Spätes Chalkolithikum 5 – 3300–3000 cal. BCE) dargestellt. Diese sind Beispiele für die Politisierung der Kommensalität. Im Rahmen der frühen Staatenbildung in Mesopotamien stellt Arslantepe, wo wirtschatliche Zentralisierung nachgewiesen ist und wo erhebliche Mengen an in situ gefundenen Materialien sowie funktional unterschiedliche Architektur zutage kamen, einen bemerkenswerten Fall dar. Essen und Trinken bildeten die ökonomische Basis der Macht von Eliten; jedoch waren Lebensmittel nicht nur im Rahmen von Festen Aspekte der spätchalkolitischen "gastro-politics", sondern auch bei Mahlzeiten, die im Austausch für Arbeitskrat ausgeteilt wurden. ; The redistribution of meals and feasting practices in the early centralized society of Arslantepe VI A in south-eastern Anatolia (Late Chalcolithic 5 – 3300/3000 cal. BCE) are presented in this paper as examples of commensal politics. Within the framework of Mesopotamian early state formation, this period represents a stimulating case because of the evidence of economic centralization, the significant amount of materials found in in situ contexts, and the presence of functionally distinct architecture. Food and beverages were the economic base of the power of elites; yet it is not only through feasting activities that food enters Late Chalcolithic gastro-politics, but also through the meals disbursed in exchange for labor.

Layunin ng sanaysay na ito na suriin ang politikang taglay ng mga dulang pantanghalan at pampelikula ni Rolando S. Tinio. Tinalakay din ng pagsusuri ang pag-unlad ng kamalayan ng nasabing mandudula batay sa kaniyang edukasyon at mga impluwensiyang pampanitikan at panteatro. Dagdag pa rito, sinuri rin ang konsepto ng espasyo, usaping pangkapangyarihan, usaping pangkababaihan, at ang usapin ng katawan (body politics) sa mga dula ng nasabing mandudula. Sa huli, inilatag ng pag-aaral ang panukalang rebisyon sa pagsulat ng dula sang-ayon sa ipinamalas na mapanghamong estetika sa mga likha ni Tinio.Mga susing salita: dula, dulang pang-entablado, dulang pampelikula, espasyo, kasaysayang pampanitikan, estetika, Rolando TinioThis study is an investigation on the politics of Rolando Tinio's stage plays and produced screenplays. It also tackles the development of the playwright's consciousness based on his literary education and creative influences. Moreover, the essay studies the concept of space, power, gender, and body politics in Tinio's plays. In the end, the essay offers a proposed revision on the craft of playwriting based on the challenging aesthetics of Tinio.Keywords: play, stage play, screenplay, space, literary history, aesthetics, Rolando Tinio