Suchergebnisse

The first of the three parts of my thesis consists in the definition of the historical and cultural context in which the military dialogues were written and published. I describe the position of inferiority which caracterized, since Antiquity, the 'meccanici' in opposition to the 'literati' or, more generally, the defenders of the liberal arts. Then, I focus on the courts, presented as a highly competitive place topped by the Prince and toward which the authors of the military dialogue had to turn hoping for professional and social mobility. The technicians had real opportunities for there careers essentially because of the interest showned by renaissance states for their discipline. In this context, the publication of books - considered as a valuable object to be exchanged at court, as a substitute for military action or as a mean for the author to expose his skill - could representant a very significant weapon.In the second part of the thesis, the focus shifts closer to the texts themselves. Their subject was in itself an advantage, especially in so troubled a period : military arts were in fact celebrated through rhetorics as one of the most important discipline for mankind. Didactics books which treated this kind of problems proved useful because they allowed the italian states to try and improve their military power : the modern art of war needed instructed captains or artillerymen. The way in which the various military experts tried to answer this need for military instruction depends on their conception of the discipline. Three distinct approaches emerge from the military literature of the period even if all of them generally recognized the absolute necessity of combining theory and practice. The first approach is the one supported by the soldiers, experts of the field who claim the superiority of practical knowledge and tend to criticise the 'theorici'. The Humanists, on the contrary, have a general and aristocratical approach of the military arts and give an uttermost importance to the 'auctoritates' ...

This article is a contribution to the Church History Society of Southern Africa as a tribute to the late Professor Mary-Anne Elizabeth Plaatjies-Van Huffel (15 December 1959–19 May 2020). On 28 November 1992, she was the first female minister to be ordained by a Dutch Reformed Church in Southern Africa. The author, who is a former student of the late Plaatjies-Van Huffel, is aware of the delicacy of such an inscription and is mindful of the pain which her family and relatives, the church and the academic world has experienced after losing such a dedicated person. The article is a historical review of the contribution of Plaatjies-Van Huffel as a church pastor, a church leader, an expert on church polity (i.e., church government), an academic, and a renowned scholar. Her contribution made an impact on both the church and society not only in South Africa but across the globe. In honouring her, the article will give a historical narrative of Plaatjies-Van Huffel's life and achievements before her death. An overview of how Plaatjies-Van Huffel pioneered gendered African theology is presented as a way of honouring her contributions to and achievements in the church and the academic world and these will be discussed in four parts. The first part narrates her life with a singular focus on her early years and education; the second part relates her pastoral career; while the third part discusses her participation in church leadership – both local and international – and her serving on various boards and committees. Finally, the fourth part focuses mainly on her life as an academic. Since the narrative is historical in nature only archival sources will be used. The road for women to become pioneering gendered African theologians has not been an easy one because it has been marred by women despising and being frustrated with one another. Therefore, it is important for the church to have proper and up-to-date knowledge and information about church regulations and a critical analysis from a gender perspective of current ...

This article deals with the issues related to the article 49 of the Italian Constitution with particular regard to "internal democracy" of the political parties. As has been underlined by Leopoldo Elia, the article 49 has been based for a long time on kind of the "unwritten agreement" between the political parties in order to control themselves. Currently, some factors have gradually emerged as crucial to explain the "failure" of conventional application about the article 49 of the Italian Constitution, with particular regard to the "internal democracy" of political parties: for this reason, it's interesting to assess – as the Authors observe – the enforcement of the multisectorial constitutional and legal framework on the political parties in almost all Western democracies and also in the European Law (it includes, for instance, the issues of electoral legislation or the discipline of media and new media), based, in both cases, on an idea of "sustainable" democracy. In Italy, there were many difficulties in the recent Legislatures (XV and XVI) in order to approve a law on the "democratic method" as a legal duty in the internal activity of the political parties. This situation is going to change – as the Authors say in this article – with the adoption, probably for the first time, of the law implementing the article 49 towards the institutionalization of national political parties. ; Il presente contributo ricostruisce schematicamente le vicende dell'articolo 49 della Costituzione italiana nel quale è fissata la disciplina dei partiti politici, con particolare riferimento al profilo della c.d. democrazia interna.Come è noto, all'indomani della fine della Seconda Guerra Mondiale, i partiti del Comitato di Liberazione nazionale furono in Italia gli esclusivi soggetti in grado di garantire sia la partecipazione dei cittadini sia la qualità della democrazia.In tale ottica, l'approvazione dell'articolo 49, come acutamente è stato osservato da Leopoldo Elia, si reggeva "non su una regola formale ma sulla base di una regolarità politica, vale a dire su un patto non scritto tra gli stessi partiti, una sorta di promessa di reciproca auto-vigilanza al proprio interno". Il "metodo democratico" dell'azione dei partiti politici che "concorrono alla politica nazionale" - come recita la Costituzione italiana - riguardava quindi soltanto il c.d. versante "esterno" della loro attività, nel senso che essa non doveva svolgersi con metodi violenti e antidemocratici.Sono state queste le premesse poste alla base dell'applicazione convenzionale dell'art.49 della Costituzione, durata dal 1948 al 1992, anche con riferimento alla parte più "delicata" della disposizione costituzionale, vale a dire la prescrizione dell'esistenza del metodo democratico nell'ordinamento interno dei partiti: ciò spiega come esso - il metodo democratico, appunto - fosse interpretato non come obbligo giuridico ma piuttosto come dovere politico, sindacabile solo in sede esclusivamente politica.Anche per tale ragione, non si diede seguito ad alcune proposte, presentate in particolare da Mortati e da Calamandrei, che introducevano invece in Costituzione discipline giuridiche anche per quanto atteneva l'organizzazione interna dei partiti politici.Sul piano del diritto comparato, poi, anche la generalità delle soluzioni adottate in quel momento storico in altri ordinamenti sembravano confermare il trend verso l'adozione di discipline costituzionali a "maglie larghe", come in particolare sul punto faceva la Costituzione della Francia del 1958 (in particolare l'art. 4); solo la Germania adottò una soluzione differente che costituzionalizzava il ruolo dei partiti politici, anche con riferimento alla loro attività interna, affidando alla giustizia costituzionale il compito di sindacare il requisito della "democrazia interna" ai partiti politici (sul punto, l'art.21 del GG).Progressivamente, alcuni fattori hanno imposto come cruciale il tema dell'insufficienza dell'applicazione convenzionale dell'articolo 49 della Costituzione italiana, che rischia di generare una sorta di "anomia", con particolare riferimento al tema della "democrazia interna": per tali ragioni, non possono non prendersi in considerazione, anche nell'ordinamento italiano, ipotesi innovative di attuazione dell'articolo 49 della Costituzione, in coerenza con la definizione, in quasi tutte le democrazie occidentali contemporanee e nell'ordinamento comunitario, di una disciplina multisettoriale (che ricomprenda, ad esempio, anche i temi della c.d. legislazione elettorale "di contorno") e formulata "in positivo", ovvero a prescindere dalla presenza o meno di partiti incostituzionali, partendo proprio dal ruolo che essi giocano nel processo democratico come elemento cruciale nel costruire una democrazia "sostenibile".Rispetto a questo, il caso italiano ha avuto, in particolare nelle più recenti Legislature (XV e XVI), molte difficoltà nel configurare, attraverso l'adozione di una legge, il requisito ex art. 49 come dovere giuridico, nonostante la presentazione di numerosi progetti di legge. Tale situazione sembra ora mutare, con l'approvazione in prima lettura di una proposta di legge di attuazione dell'articolo 49, in ragione di una serie di fattori che - come spiegano gli Autori - anche per l'Italia vanno nella direzione di una crescente istituzionalizzazione dei partiti politici nazionali. ; Niniejszy artykuł dotyczy analizy zagadnienia "demokracji wewnętrznej" partii politycznych we włoskim porządku prawnym, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem postanowień art. 49 Konstytucji. Jak podkreślił Leopold Elia, przez wiele lat art. 49 stanowił podstawę swoistego "niepisanego porozumienia" pomiędzy partiami politycznymi w kontrolowaniu swojej działalności. Autorzy zwracają uwagę na pojawienie się czynników wewnętrznych i zewnętrznych, które w znaczny sposób utrudniają realizację założeń wynikających z postanowień art. 49 w codziennej praktyce ustrojowej (m.in. wielopłaszczyznowe ramy konstytucyjne i prawne działania partii politycznych). Problem ten stał się szczególnie widoczny w okresie XV i XVI kadencji włoskiego parlamentu, kiedy to wystąpiono z inicjatywą uchwalenia ustawy, która wprost wprowadziłaby wymóg oparcia zasad działalności wewnętrznej partii politycznych na metodach demokratycznych. Zdaniem Autorów przyjęcie ustawy wykonującej założenia wynikające z postanowień art. 49 Konstytucji, zakładającej instytucjonalizację partii politycznych, przyczyni się do wprowadzenia pożądanych zmian w tym zakresie.

Niniejszy artykuł dotyczy analizy zagadnienia "demokracji wewnętrznej" partii politycznych we włoskim porządku prawnym, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem postanowień art. 49 Konstytucji. Jak podkreślił Leopold Elia, przez wiele lat art. 49 stanowił podstawę swoistego "niepisanego porozumienia" pomiędzy partiami politycznymi w kontrolowaniu swojej działalności. Autorzy zwracają uwagę na pojawienie się czynników wewnętrznych i zewnętrznych, które w znaczny sposób utrudniają realizację założeń wynikających z postanowień art. 49 w codziennej praktyce ustrojowej (m.in. wielopłaszczyznowe ramy konstytucyjne i prawne działania partii politycznych). Problem ten stał się szczególnie widoczny w okresie XV i XVI kadencji włoskiego parlamentu, kiedy to wystąpiono z inicjatywą uchwalenia ustawy, która wprost wprowadziłaby wymóg oparcia zasad działalności wewnętrznej partii politycznych na metodach demokratycznych. Zdaniem Autorów przyjęcie ustawy wykonującej założenia wynikające z postanowień art. 49 Konstytucji, zakładającej instytucjonalizację partii politycznych, przyczyni się do wprowadzenia pożądanych zmian w tym zakresie. ; This article deals with the issues related to the article 49 of the Italian Constitution with particular regard to "internal democracy" of the political parties. As has been underlined by Leopoldo Elia, the article 49 has been based for a long time on kind of the "unwritten agreement" between the political parties in order to control themselves. Currently, some factors have gradually emerged as crucial to explain the "failure" of conventional application about the article 49 of the Italian Constitution, with particular regard to the "internal democracy" of political parties: for this reason, it's interesting to assess – as the Authors observe – the enforcement of the multisectorial constitutional and legal framework on the political parties in almost all Western democracies and also in the European Law (it includes, for instance, the issues of electoral legislation or the discipline of media and new media), based, in both cases, on an idea of "sustainable" democracy. In Italy, there were many difficulties in the recent Legislatures (XV and XVI) in order to approve a law on the "democratic method" as a legal duty in the internal activity of the political parties. This situation is going to change – as the Authors say in this article – with the adoption, probably for the first time, of the law implementing the article 49 towards the institutionalization of national political parties. ; Il presente contributo ricostruisce schematicamente le vicende dell'articolo 49 della Costituzione italiana nel quale è fissata la disciplina dei partiti politici, con particolare riferimento al profilo della c.d. democrazia interna.Come è noto, all'indomani della fine della Seconda Guerra Mondiale, i partiti del Comitato di Liberazione nazionale furono in Italia gli esclusivi soggetti in grado di garantire sia la partecipazione dei cittadini sia la qualità della democrazia.In tale ottica, l'approvazione dell'articolo 49, come acutamente è stato osservato da Leopoldo Elia, si reggeva "non su una regola formale ma sulla base di una regolarità politica, vale a dire su un patto non scritto tra gli stessi partiti, una sorta di promessa di reciproca auto-vigilanza al proprio interno". Il "metodo democratico" dell'azione dei partiti politici che "concorrono alla politica nazionale" - come recita la Costituzione italiana - riguardava quindi soltanto il c.d. versante "esterno" della loro attività, nel senso che essa non doveva svolgersi con metodi violenti e antidemocratici.Sono state queste le premesse poste alla base dell'applicazione convenzionale dell'art.49 della Costituzione, durata dal 1948 al 1992, anche con riferimento alla parte più "delicata" della disposizione costituzionale, vale a dire la prescrizione dell'esistenza del metodo democratico nell'ordinamento interno dei partiti: ciò spiega come esso - il metodo democratico, appunto - fosse interpretato non come obbligo giuridico ma piuttosto come dovere politico, sindacabile solo in sede esclusivamente politica.Anche per tale ragione, non si diede seguito ad alcune proposte, presentate in particolare da Mortati e da Calamandrei, che introducevano invece in Costituzione discipline giuridiche anche per quanto atteneva l'organizzazione interna dei partiti politici.Sul piano del diritto comparato, poi, anche la generalità delle soluzioni adottate in quel momento storico in altri ordinamenti sembravano confermare il trend verso l'adozione di discipline costituzionali a "maglie larghe", come in particolare sul punto faceva la Costituzione della Francia del 1958 (in particolare l'art. 4); solo la Germania adottò una soluzione differente che costituzionalizzava il ruolo dei partiti politici, anche con riferimento alla loro attività interna, affidando alla giustizia costituzionale il compito di sindacare il requisito della "democrazia interna" ai partiti politici (sul punto, l'art.21 del GG).Progressivamente, alcuni fattori hanno imposto come cruciale il tema dell'insufficienza dell'applicazione convenzionale dell'articolo 49 della Costituzione italiana, che rischia di generare una sorta di "anomia", con particolare riferimento al tema della "democrazia interna": per tali ragioni, non possono non prendersi in considerazione, anche nell'ordinamento italiano, ipotesi innovative di attuazione dell'articolo 49 della Costituzione, in coerenza con la definizione, in quasi tutte le democrazie occidentali contemporanee e nell'ordinamento comunitario, di una disciplina multisettoriale (che ricomprenda, ad esempio, anche i temi della c.d. legislazione elettorale "di contorno") e formulata "in positivo", ovvero a prescindere dalla presenza o meno di partiti incostituzionali, partendo proprio dal ruolo che essi giocano nel processo democratico come elemento cruciale nel costruire una democrazia "sostenibile".Rispetto a questo, il caso italiano ha avuto, in particolare nelle più recenti Legislature (XV e XVI), molte difficoltà nel configurare, attraverso l'adozione di una legge, il requisito ex art. 49 come dovere giuridico, nonostante la presentazione di numerosi progetti di legge. Tale situazione sembra ora mutare, con l'approvazione in prima lettura di una proposta di legge di attuazione dell'articolo 49, in ragione di una serie di fattori che - come spiegano gli Autori - anche per l'Italia vanno nella direzione di una crescente istituzionalizzazione dei partiti politici nazionali.

The transformations in crafts from antiquity to the late Middle Ages concerned the laws, first with imperial edicts and later with municipal Briefs or with their own rules. The various arts, for example that of wool, were able to access positions of power, giving life to a very rich "bourgeoisie" with a network of commerce extended throughout the Mediterranean. We are interested in the relations between Pisa, its colonies and its allies as fundamental to the development of trade and consequently of craftsmanship. Take for example the Tunisian colony, which offered a strategic and fundamental safe harbor for trade to the East. In the Tuscan hinterland, trade took place by river along the course of the Arno which connected several important markets such as Florence which allowed a market route also with Siena. By land, trade and war extended beyond the borders, also reaching the Empire of which Pisa was an ally and from which it obtained wealth and territories. The sources, from which the scholars cited by me have drawn, are the Briefs, the statutes, the imperial diplomas, the papers and anonymous and non-anonymous writings, dating back to that era. I focused my thesis on craftsmanship considering it the fulcrum of trade and socio-economic growth of the city of Pisa. I focused on its path through history to include the economy, toponymy, trade and politics of the city in the late Middle Ages. From the study of these points one can understand the life and culture of those centuries, and gradually the work from shops to industries developed. My goal is to clarify the role of craftsmanship in Pisa by introducing the history of the city with its trade, its domains and its wars, concluding by illustrating the role of craftsmanship in Pisan history. One of the reasons that led me to choose this theme is the lack of an in-depth study on these topics, as to date there is no historical study on this theme. The social and political structures of craftsmanship influenced, as can be seen from the historiography of Pisa in the late Middle Ages, the population, its politics and its countryside. Between the eleventh and twelfth centuries we find clearly the function of Tuscan craftsmanship we find how some cities had a similar organization. This is because the trade had now expanded throughout the peninsula, and even abroad, favoring intertwining of cultures and development of working methods that led to a wider collaboration between different cultures. Through these commercial routes we therefore find roots that still concern our history.

The extent of residential alienation and urban inequalities made visible in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis shed light on processes of politico-economic transformations that altered the role of housing within society since the late 1970s. The focus on (re-)commodification and financialization has become central in the debate and opened up rich interdisciplinary strands of research on the impacts that these processes have on housing. Building on such a fertile academic body of work, it is paramount to contribute to the setting of the public agenda, putting housing issues at the heart of the political debate and policy actions. Introducing this special issue, the paper is firstly asserting the political dimension of housing. Secondly the issue of urban rent extraction is discussed as crucial, especially in the face of the disruptive effects of extensive processes of re-commodification and financialization of housing and land markets in a context of neoliberal urban policies. Thirdly, the Italian case is presented as extremely relevant when it comes to understanding the political dimension of housing, recalling the controversial debates and clashes developed along the 20th century and the current trends of a country confronted with intense processes of financialization of housing, with a significantly accelerated real-estate cycle transforming the residential landscape and resulting in the most intense building cycle of the last half-century. Finally, the dynamics of de-politicisation (and re-politicisation) of housing are recalled with reference to the contributions collected in this special issue.

The extent of residential alienation and urban inequalities made visible in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis shed light on processes of politico-economic transformations that altered the role of housing within society since the late 1970s. The focus on (re-)commodification and financialization has become central in the debate and opened up rich interdisciplinary strands of research on the impacts that these processes have on housing. Building on such a fertile academic body of work, it is paramount to contribute to the setting of the public agenda, putting housing issues at the heart of the political debate and policy actions. Introducing this special issue, the paper is firstly asserting the political dimension of housing. Secondly, the issue of urban rent extraction is discussed as crucial, especially in the face of the disruptive effects of extensive processes of re-commodification and financialization of housing and land markets in the context of neoliberal urban policies. Thirdly, the Italian case is presented as extremely relevant when it comes to understanding the political dimension of housing, recalling the controversial debates and clashes developed along the 20th century and the current trends of a country confronted with intense processes of financialization of housing, with a significantly accelerated real-estate cycle transforming the residential landscape and resulting in the most intense building cycle of the last half-century. Finally, the dynamics of de-politicisation (and re-politicisation) of housing are recalled with reference to the contributions collected in this special issue.

La crisis que comienza en 2008, y que todavía sigue produciendo sus efectos en Europa, y de manera particular en Italia y España, ha proporcionado el contexto ideal para llevar a cabo una comparación entre las dinámicas de cambio que se han desarrollado en los dos países. Dentro del contexto europeo, España e Italia comparten muchos rasgos comunes y los efectos de la crisis económica en las dimensiones cultural, social y política. La crisis en Italia y en España, al igual que en Grecia y Portugal, ha sido particularmente aguda. Ha golpeado de manera fuerte el sistema económico, generando una caída de la producción y un aumento del desempleo y de la precarización. Se ha reflejado en una serie de recortes que han golpeado a un Estado de Bienestar ya históricamente débil. Ha amplificado las incertidumbres y los riesgos típicos de la tardo-modernidad, así como los procesos de individualización. La crisis económica es a la vez una crisis política, social y cultural, cuyas raíces, así como sus remedios, son consustanciales al modelo neoliberal. La idea de poner en marcha un proyecto comparativo se ha desarrollado a partir de la intuición de que, a pesar de la presencia manifiesta de muchos elementos comunes en los dos países, la crisis, en algunos aspectos, produce dinámicas diferenciadas, sobre todo en la dimensión política. El método comparativo, desde nuestro punto de vista, favorece un planteamiento reflexivo. La comprensión de las dinámicas que se han desarrollado en un país invita a reflexionar críticamente sobre los factores que en el otro país han llevado a dinámicas diferentes, forzando al científico social a no conformarse con las claves explicativas consolidadas, a desarrollar explicaciones multidimensionales, a establecer conexiones y a intentar averiguar de qué manera las dinámicas de cambio global, favorecidas por los procesos de globalización y de europeización, interactúan con variables de contexto y factores específicos. Lo que la comparación nos dice es que, a pesar de los elementos comunes, entre los dos países hay diferencias, tanto en términos de intensidad y de etapas de la crisis, como en términos de respuesta social y política a la crisis. ; The crisis that began in 2008, and still continues to produce its effects in Europe, and in particular in Italy and Spain, has provided the ideal context to carry out a comparison between the dynamics of change characterizing the two countries. Within the European context, Spain and Italy share many common characteristics. They also share the cultural, social and political effects of economic crisis. The crisis in Italy and Spain, as well in Greece and Portugal, has been particularly harsh. It has strongly affected the economic system, generating a fall in production and contributing to a sharp increase of unemployment and precariousness. As a consequence of crisis, expenditures in welfare state are cut. The crisis amplifies uncertainties and risks typical of late-modernity and exacerbates the processes of individualization. The economic crisis turns into a political, social and cultural crisis. Both roots and remedies to crisis turned to be endogenous to the neoliberal model. The idea of launching a wide comparative analysis project has been developed from the intuition that, despite Italy and Spain share many characteristics, the crisis, in some respects, produces different dynamics, especially in the political dimension. The comparative method, in our view, favors a reflexive exercise. Understanding the dynamics developed in a country invites to develop a critical reflection on the factors that in the other country have led to different dynamics, forcing the social scientist not to conform with pre-existing explications. Social scientists are called to develop multidimensional explanations, to establish connections, in order to find out how the dynamics of global change interact with contextual-endogenous variables. As a result of the comparison between Italy and Spain, we find out that, despite the commonalities between both countries, intensity and evolution of crisis is different, as well as its political and social responses.

Research on the direct effect of social origin (DESO) focuses on how background influences later labour market outcomes after accounting for education. Growing up in a household of low social origin might decrease the chances of certain future outcomes; however, the extent to which this matters is contingent on the economic cycle. Using the EU Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) and the European Social Survey (ESS) between 2002 and 2014, we analyse whether the gap in the DESO in terms of employment and earnings widened following the Great Recession for young adults (25-34) in France, Germany, Italy, Poland, Spain and the United Kingdom. Our results suggest that young adults of high social origin faced more disadvantages in terms of employment than young adults of low social origin in France, Spain and the United Kingdom. On the other hand, analyses show that young adults of low social origin experienced more disadvantages in terms of earnings than their counterparts of high social origin in Spain.

ITALIANO: Se nell'Italia del tardo medioevo era possibile essere sudditi "per natura", per natura cittadini, per natura principi, per natura membri di un partito, era possibile essere anche "naturalmente" nobili? Il contributo prova a rispondere a questa domanda prendendo le mosse dal cosiddetto trattato sulla nobiltà di Bartolo di Sassoferrato (Tractatus de dignitatibus) per secoli dotato di larghissima popolarità in tutta Europa. Dopo aver reso conto della situazione degli studi, il saggio illustra i contenuti dell'opera, riassumibili in una netta affermazione della dipendenza della nobiltà dalla voluntas del Principe (paragrafo 2), e nell'idea che non possa esistere alcuna nobiltà naturale se non come volontaria creazione di chi detiene il potere politico (paragrafo 3). Sono quindi (paragrafo 4) illustrate le radici del pensiero bartoliano in tema di nobiltà (vale a dire, oltre al Codex, l'Italia duecentesca e popolare, con le sue leggi antimagnatizie); nonché l'applicazione concreta di quei principi nel tardo medioevo, mostrando in particolare come i ragionamenti del De dignitatibus siano consonanti all'evoluzione dell'identità nobiliare in molte parti della penisola, in primis a Firenze, a Bologna, a Venezia. Il paragrafo 5 è invece dedicato alle eccezioni rispetto a questo modello, che non sono solo precedenti a Bartolo (Aristotele, Dante) quanto soprattutto a lui contemporanee, come affermato nello stesso trattato. Il saggio si sofferma sul caso di Milano e su altri contesti (i centri piemontesi in particolare, da Asti a Torino) dove la nobiltà ancora nel Tre-Quattrocento è proposta come fatto di natura, più che come prodotto della politica. / ENGLISH: In late medieval Italy it was possible to be subjects "by nature", citizens by nature, princes by nature, members of a party by nature; was it also possible to be noble by nature? This paper seeks to address this question starting from the so-called treaty on nobility written by Bartolus de Saxoferrato (Tractatus de dignitatibus), which gained vast popularity all over Europe for centuries. After taking into account the state of the art, the essay outlines the contents of the treaty: Bartolus sharply claimed that nobility depended on the Princes' voluntas (section 2), thus inferring that no natural nobility could exist unless intentionally created by those who exerted political power (section 3). The roots of Bartolus' thought on nobility are then examined (namely, besides the Codex, thirteenth-century 'popular' Italy, with its anti-magnate legislation), as well as the practical application of these principles in the late medieval period, by highlighting how the argument of the De dignitatibus matched with the evolution of noble identity in various parts of Italy, especially in Florence, Bologna, and Venice (section 4). Finally, section 5 deals with the exceptions to this model, not exclusively prior to Bartolus (Aristotle, Dante), but above all contemporaneous with him. The paper scrutinizes the cases of Milan and other cities (communes in Piedmont, from Asti to Turin) where nobility was still conceived as a natural, rather than political, fact in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.

[8] p. ; Attributed by STC (2nd ed.) to Süleyman I (The Magnificent). ; "With privilege." ; Reproduction of original in: Harvard University. Library.

"In the later Middle Ages a European 'core' of culturally and administratively sophisticated societies with rapidly growing populations, on an axis from England to Italy, colonised the European 'periphery'. In northern Europe this periphery included Wales and Ireland, as colonised by the English, and Prussia and Livonia, as colonised (mainly) by Germanic and Nordic peoples. A key tool of colonisation was the chartered town, giving citizens distinguishing legal privileges and a degree of self-regulation. Towns on the Edge in Medieval Europe contends that while the chartered town, as a legal and social-political concept, was transferred to peripheral areas by colonisers, its implementation and adaptation in peripheral areas resulted in unique societies, not simply the replication of core urban forms and communities. In so doing, it compares the development of social and political institutions in the chartered towns of medieval Ireland, Wales, Prussia, and Livonia. Research themes include community formation, normalisation/social disciplining, and peace making/keeping." --

Introduction : the German foundation, the multifaceted expansion / Anne O. Albert, Noah S. Gerber, and Michael A. Meyer -- Chapter 1. Between past and future : European Jewish scholarship and national temporalities, 1845-1889 / Irene Zwiep -- Chapter 2. German Wissenschaft des Judentums and the late nineteenth-century development of Hungarian Jewish studies / Katalin Franciska Rac -- Chapter 3. Wissenschaft des Judentums exported to America : the case of Gotthard Deutsch / Michael A. Meyer -- Chapter 4. Forging a new "empire of knowledge" : Jewish scholarship under Soviet patronage / Deborah Yalen -- Chapter 5. Between assonance and assimilation : literature as a hyphen in the Wissenschaft des Judentums / Clémence Boulouque -- Chapter 6. Christian contributions to Jewish scholarship in Italy / Asher Salah -- Chapter 7. Integrating national consciousness into the study of Jewish history / Yitzhak Conforti -- Chapter 8. South Asian frameworks for European good intentions : Hyderabad, Karachi, and Jewish orientalism / Hanan Harif -- Chapter 9. Saul Lieberman and Yemenite Jewry / Noah S. Gerber.

In light of demographic change and the growing problems of traditional old-age security systems, this book discusses two essential instruments in connection with privately providing for old-age security: (1) savings in private pension schemes and (2) building up equity for home-ownership. Further, it assesses the relationship between the two instruments and offers a unique overview of the latest market developments. In order to represent the profound differences between the individual member states of the EU, this book features six country-specific studies - covering Germany, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom - that provide detailed insights into the complexity of local private pension schemes, mortgage markets, and housing markets. Lastly, the book discusses public policies and fiscal incentives intended to better integrate residential property with private pensions. It will appeal to both, private households seeking to build up old-age security, as well as policy makers interested in providing secure pension schemes.

What exactly are people doing when they combat about reforming complex social institutions? How do the advocates and the adversaries of such reforms construct their arguments? How do historical debates on reforms differ from modern ones? The book approaches these questions from the observatory of the late middle ages and the 16th century and is intended to be a contribution to a rhetoric of premodern reform thinking. The setting is the hospital, an institution which was frequently in need of reform, but compact enough to allow detailed description. Four important European hospitals—the Ospedale Maggiore of Milan, the Hôtel-Dieu of Paris, the Große Spital of Strasbourg, and the Union of hospitals in Modena, Italy—offer sufficient source material for an analysis of the verbal (and sometimes physical) strives provoked by the reforms. The protagonists of these debates about words, metaphors, concepts and power were jurists, theologians, political authorities, administrators, religious communities and the lay staff.