Suchergebnisse

Abstract
Individuals of transgender experience (ITE) in the United States face an elevated risk of HIV infection. Several conditions have been attributed to the high HIV incidence and prevalence within this group, including experiences of discrimination, unemployment, incarceration, stigma, and elevated rates of sexual risk and substance use. In response to these needs, the Gay and Lesbian Latino AIDS Education Initiative and Prevention Point Philadelphia, two local community-based organizations in Philadelphia, developed the Transhealth Information Project (TIP). TIP is a peer-led six-session hybrid individual- and group-based intervention emphasizing leadership, social and structural interventions, and HIV risk reduction that incorporates other evidence-based practices for HIV prevention and care. Since 2003, TIP has served over 1,500 ITE and linked them to HIV prevention and care services. TIP has an established record of reaching ITE and linking them to HIV prevention services and HIV primary care. TIP's utilization speaks to the need for interventions to respond to the complex, interacting syndemic factors that cumulatively determine HIV vulnerability among ITE.

We show that current differences in trust levels within former Soviet Union countries can be traced back to the system of forced prison labor during Stalin's rule, which was marked by high incarceration rates, repression, and harsh punishments. We argue that those exposed to forced labor camps (gulags) became less trusting and transferred this social norm to their descendants. Combining contemporary individual-level survey data with historical information on the location of forced labor camps, we find that individuals who live near former gulags have low levels of social and institutional trust. Our results are robust to a battery of sensitivity checks, which suggests that the relationship we document is causal. We outline several causal mechanisms and test whether the social norm of mistrust near gulags developed because of political repression or due to fear that inmates bring criminality. As such, we provide novel evidence on the channels through which history matters for current socio-economic outcomes today.

This paper examines the systemic racism operating behind the over-criminalization of the US immigration system, a relatively recent transformation occurring as a product of the War on Drugs. The unprecedented scale of deporting and detaining Latinx immigrants, in combinationwith the political effort to scapegoat this community as a "threat to national security," shares commonalities with the heinous mass incarceration and criminalization of African Americans.Both processes thrive on an artificial appearance of "colorblind" impartiality, as the War on Drugs has ensured that racial bias remains implicit, not explicit, in these policies. However, as the increasingly punitive immigration system has entangled itself with the criminal justice system, the distinctive pattern of anti-Latinx racism obscures from public consciousness. Inresponse, this paper attempts to weave a comprehensive narrative that contextualizes the myth behind the so-called "illegal immigrant." It proceeds by analyzing and connecting works of literature discussing the changes in immigration law, public discourse, and foreign policy occurring at the intersection of the War on Drugs.

We show that current differences in trust levels within former Soviet Union countries can be traced back to the system of forced prison labor during Stalin's rule, which was marked by high incarceration rates, repression, and harsh punishments. We argue that those exposed to forced labor camps (gulags) became less trusting and transferred this social norm to their descendants. Combining contemporary individual-level survey data with historical information on the location of forced labor camps, we find that individuals who live near former gulags have low levels of social and institutional trust. Our results are robust to a battery of sensitivity checks, which suggests that the relationship we document is causal. We outline several causal mechanisms and test whether the social norm of mistrust near gulags developed because of political repression or due to fear that inmates bring criminality. As such, we provide novel evidence on the channels through which history matters for current socio-economic outcomes today.

The structure and stability of families have long stood as key predictors of juvenile delinquency. Boys from "broken homes" experience a higher prevalence of juvenile delinquency than those from intact families. Unresolved is whether the consequences of frequently disrupted family contexts endure to shape criminal trajectories into adulthood. Long-term influence may also be indirect. Life-course criminologists credit family formation during the transition to adulthood, and particularly marriage, for redirecting men's criminal trajectories, but children who experience repeated changes in family structure are more likely to experience precarious starts to their own eventual family formation. Using data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics and its two child-centered supplemental studies ( N = 1,127), we find that the experience of repeated family structure change is associated with higher rates of arrest and incarceration during early adulthood for White men but not for Black men. However, divergent patterns of own family formation among men in early adulthood do not mediate this association.

Since 1993, crime has fallen in the United States to historical lows, providing extraordinary legitimacy to the country's peculiar mix of welfare and punishment, with ever stingier social programs for the poor and the highest rates of incarceration in the world. The Upper Limit sets out to explain why. It provides a comprehensive theory of the evolution of social and penal policy which can be summarized thus: welfare has to be less attractive than low-wage work, and punishment has to make criminal life less attractive than welfare. Low-wage work sets the upper limit of social and penal policy. Declining living standards for the poor since the 1970s have lowered the upper limit in the United States. The Upper Limit explores how these transformations and the ensuing crime drop have affected the lives of the poor in a formerly high-crime Brooklyn neighborhood, East New York. It explains the dark logic behind police brutality, the trials of prisoner reentry and the inhumanity of New York's homeless shelters.

Eleanor Chávez heralds from a political family serving New Mexicans from as far back as her great grandfather who served in the NM Territorial Legislature. Chávez grew up in a Union family with her dad being a Union carpenter; her mom worked at Albertsons grocery as a member of the United Food and Commercial Workers Union (UFCW). Chávez's work life has centered on social justice job positions working for a better life for New Mexicans. This includes staffing in Unions (AFSCME, NM District 1199, AFT). She also worked at the State of NM Department of Human Services (Child Protective Services) and was a member of AFSCME Local 2839. Her work life extends into public advocacy for important legislation focused on children, women, incarceration, mental health, affordable and accessible health care, rights on the job, abolition of the death penalty, voter protection and more. Chávez served as a NM Legislator and represented her home District #13 Albuquerque from 2008-2012. ; https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/wphnm/1036/thumbnail.jpg

Since 1993, crime has fallen in the United States to historical lows, providing extraordinary legitimacy to the country's peculiar mix of welfare and punishment, with ever stingier social programs for the poor and the highest rates of incarceration in the world. The Upper Limit sets out to explain why. It provides a comprehensive theory of the evolution of social and penal policy which can be summarized thus: welfare has to be less attractive than low-wage work, and punishment has to make criminal life less attractive than welfare. Low-wage work sets the upper limit of social and penal policy. Declining living standards for the poor since the 1970s have lowered the upper limit in the United States. The Upper Limit explores how these transformations and the ensuing crime drop have affected the lives of the poor in a formerly high-crime Brooklyn neighborhood, East New York. It explains the dark logic behind police brutality, the trials of prisoner reentry and the inhumanity of New York's homeless shelters.

ABSTRACT This research model uses an emancipatory approach to address challenges of equity in the science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM) workforce. Serious concerns about low minority participation callfor arigorous evaluation of new pedagogical methods that effectively prepares underrepresented groups for the increasingly digital world. The inability to achieve STEM workforce diversity goals is attributed to the failure of the academic pipeline to maintain a steady flow of underrepresented minority students. Formal curriculum frequently results in under-preparedness and a professional practices gap. Exacerbating lower performance are fragile communities where issues such as poverty, single-parent homes, incarceration, abuse, and homelessness disengage residents. Since data shows that more minorities have computing and engineering degrees than work in the field [1], this discussions explores how educational institutions can critically examine social and political realities that impede STEM diversity while capturing cultural cues that identify personal barriersamongst underrepresented groups. KEYWORDS Technology Training, STEM Workforce, Capacity-Building, Informal Learning

If telling the truth is considered vital to research methodology, what happens in methodological spaces where "telling the truth" is futile? In this article, we examine the limitations, possibility, and even desirability of normative forms of empirically verifiable truth-telling and the potentialities for storied or fabulated truths with regard to knowledges that have historically been dismissed by their audiences as unreliable and even deceptive. To do so, we draw from critical theory, and Deleuzian theory in particular, to offer a detailed theoretical framework for understanding the notion of fabulated truth. We then turn to our own research to describe a project that embraced the potential of fabulation as a deeply generative methodological practice in regard to better understanding experiences of trauma. This project, which involved working alongside people with intellectual disabilities who have survived institutional incarceration, used fluid arts-based methods to help engage the affective force of trauma to story multiple truths about an otherwise unspeakable history.

Abstract
Presently certain catchphrases and hashtags have been circulating and trending in the public discourse such as 'white monopoly capital', 'radical economic transformation' and movements' phrases such as 'fees must fall' and 'Black First Land First' formulated in response to issues around education, land and race specifically. However, Robert Sobukwe, intellectual giant of the pan-Africanist struggle, articulated very strong beliefs underpinning these burning societal questions from as early as the 1940s. His incarceration, banishment and ultimate death in 1978 left a political vacuum in South Africa and more than twenty years after democracy, the aforementioned issues Sobukwe stressed during his time need to be revisited. South African is currently experiencing a massive resurgence in the narrative and discourse regarding the need for dialogue around education transformation, land reform and race as a whole. Therefore, this article seeks to draw unpack Sobukwe's take on these three burning issues in relation to the current discourse in South Africa today underpinned by pan-Africanist philosophy.

AbstractAn extensive body of literature has analyzed the individual impacts and collateral consequences of mass incarceration. However, few studies explore the consequences of a parallel and overlapping system: mass immigration detention and deportation. The last 30 years witnessed a dramatic increase in the number of noncitizens detained in and deported from the United States. Individuals detained under immigration laws are held pending adjudication, often mandatorily, and without many basic constitutional protections. Immigrant detention and deportation impose severe burdens on immigrants and their households and levy significant costs to society—financially, as well as in terms of social capital and community well‐being. Chiefly due to the difficulty in accessing noncitizens in the process of detention and deportation, this system has largely escaped sociological inquiry. This article provides a background for understanding the growth and consequences of detention and deportation in the United States. It reviews the literature on these immigration law enforcement programs and suggests topical and methodological directions for future research.

Research and public discourse on urban policing and the collateral consequences of mass incarceration often center on the experiences of young males, particularly young Black and brown men who live in low-income, high-crime neighborhoods. Consequently, less is known about how young women are policed in these contexts; and whether their experiences and dispositions toward police vary across racial and ethnic groups. Drawing on 70 in-depth interviews with low-income Black, Latina, and White young women between the ages of 14 and 24, in the City of Philadelphia, the current research explores the differences and similarities in their experiences with and perceptions of police, and the social contexts that influence those interactions. A comparative analysis reveals important nuances in young women's direct and indirect experiences with police by race and ethnicity. The findings indicate that, within disadvantaged neighborhoods, particularly among young Black and Latina women, direct and vicarious experiences with policing contribute to expressions of legal cynicism.

This study investigates the impact of various types of discrimination, including injustices from the police, as well as the conditioning effects of a positive ethnic identity on the likelihood of offending for Latinxs. Findings support the notion that discrimination from the police and everyday microaggressions are significant strains for Latinxs that increase their likelihood of offending. Anger is also found to be a significant driving factor. This study additionally adds to the growing body of mixed results around the impacts of ethnic identity, particularly for Latinxs, as it does not protect against the effects of discrimination for the current sample. This work is timely in the wake of the recent rhetoric around immigration, particularly from Latin American countries. With the rapid rise in Latinx incarceration, it is vital we understand the distinct factors that impact their likelihood of contact with the justice system to develop culturally competent intervention policies and counter the institutional racism driving the disparities.

In this case study, we document challenges to reform implementation posed by line staff, supervisors, and managers during a large‐scale realignment of the Kansas Department of Corrections (KDOC) in which they sought to replace a traditional approach of "risk containment" focused on surveillance and incarceration with a new model of "risk reduction" focused on service delivery and reintegration. We draw on interviews, observations, and archival research to document the staff's discursive challenges to the rollout of the new policy. More specifically, we describe how varying challenges to the reforms—"denial," "dismissal," and "defiance"—reflect actors' positions within the organization, the local contexts in which they operate, and more general frames of interpretation of the long‐term orientation of the KDOC. We integrate these perspectives to contribute to the ongoing expansion of conventional models of penal change that highlight the role of actors and local social and institutional context as moderators of the gap between "law on the books" and "law in action."