Suchergebnisse

The assumption by the government of the United States of diplomatic relations with the government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on November 16, 1933, closed a long and unique chapter in the annals of American diplomacy. Now that this phase has become historic and a new era in Soviet-American relations has been officially inaugurated, it is possible to review and appraise the highly contentious and illucid interval between 1917 and 1933 with some degree of accuracy and finality. The purpose of this discussion is, therefore, to examine the whole period candidly, objectively, dispassionately, by means of an analysis of the attitude of the United States government, as officially expressed in diplomatic documents or the utterances of responsible statesmen in the period since tsardom fell in Russia. It is desirable, however, to relate those statements, and the positions taken, to the historic attitudes of both Russia and the United States in the course of the last one hundred years; for it is only as the policy of the United States is seen in its full historic setting, in relation to the principles of international law long espoused and followed in American diplomatic practice, that the more recent phases of that policy can adequately be judged.

Welche Kommunikationsstrategien benutzen Koalitionsparteien während ihrer Zeit im Amt? Koalitionsparteien stehen vor einem Dilemma, dass sie zwar nach aussen Einheit demonstrieren sollen, sich aber gleichzeitig von ihren Partnern differenzieren müssen. Ich argumentiere, dass politische Kommunikation eine wichtige Rolle dabei spielt, wie Parteien versuchen, ihr individuelles Profil zu erhalten. Dazu habe ich drei Hauptstrategien definiert, die Parteien benutzen können. Basierend auf einem Datensatz von über 35'000 deutschen und niederländischen Pressemitteilungen von Koalitionsparteien analysiere ich, was Parteien in ihrer Strategiewahl beeinflusst. Meine Resultate zeigen, dass Personalisierung, definiert als ein verstärkter Fokus auf Individuen, davon beeinflusst wird, wie stark sich Koalitionsparteien ideologisch unterscheiden. Ich benutze einen supervised classification algorithm, um die deutschen Pressemitteilungen in verschiedene thematische Kategorien zu klassifizieren. Ich nutze diese Klassifizierung um zu analysieren, ob Parteien während dem Wahlkampf einen besonderen Fokus auf die Themen legen, die ihnen wichtig sind. Dies ist nicht der Fall, und meine Analysen zeigen, dass Parteien kurz vor einer Wahl sogar einen geringeren Schwerpunkt auf diese Themen legen, ungeachtet ideologischer Differenzen zwischen ihnen und ihren Koalitionspartnern. Schließlich analysiere ich die Präsenz von negativem Campaigning in deutschen Pressemitteilungen und in einer Auswahl von Episoden einer politischen Talkshow. Im Falle der Pressemitteilungen stelle ich fest, dass die Parteien mit zunehmender Wahrscheinlichkeit "feindlich gesinnte" Politiker erwähnen, je näher die Wahl rückt, und dass diese Erwähnungen mit einem generell negativerem sentiment der betreffenden Pressemitteilungen korrelieren. ; What communication strategies do coalition parties use during their time in office? Coalition parties face a dilemma between unity and differentiation, because while they need to keep relations with their partners stable, they ...

Intro -- Contents -- Maps and Tables -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Australia: The General Structure of Aboriginal Policy -- 3 Australia: Aboriginal Peoples and Child Welfare Policy -- 4 Canada: The General Structure of Canadian Indian Policy -- 5 Canada: First Nations Family and Child Welfare Policy -- 6 New Zealand: The General Structure of Maori Policy -- 7 New Zealand: Maori People and Child Welfare Policy -- 8 Similarities and Differences among Australia, Canada, and New Zealand -- 9 Understanding the Policy of Aboriginal Assimilation -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- Q -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- Y.

Zwei der Theorie der "rent-seeking-society" zuzuordnende Hypothesen werden empirisch überprüft: "1) daß alte Demokratien besonders unter der Akkumulation von Verteilungskoalitionen und deshalb unter einer Minderung des Wirtschaftswachstums leiden, 2) daß Gesellschaften mit einem hohen Grad von Staatstätigkeit bzw. aufgeblähten öffentlichen Sektoren deshalb ein langsameres Wirtschaftswachstum zu verzeichnen haben." Beide Hypothesen erweisen sich als mit der Datenlage kompatibel und erklärungskräftig besonders für die langfristigen Wachstumschancen einer Gesellschaft. (AuD-Br)

Intro -- Introduction: From the Beginning to the Pre-Republican Days -- Contents -- 1 The Early Republic -- 1.1 From Making Joint Efforts to Acting Alone -- 1.2 "It's Quixotic to Allow the Question of China to Entangle the United States in International Difficulties" -- 1.3 "No Need to Find Protection Against Japan's Domination in China" -- 2 From Versailles to Washington -- 2.1 The Paris Peace Conference -- 2.2 The Washington Conference -- 3 The Era of Turbulence -- 3.1 The United States and Zhili Warlords -- 3.2 The United States and the Guangzhou Revolutionary Government -- 3.3 The Era of Great Revolution -- 3.4 Early Days of Nanjing National Government -- 4 From Liutiao Lake to Marco Polo Bridge -- 4.1 Doctrine of Non-Recognition -- 4.2 Cotton and Wheat Loan and Silver Agreement Policy -- 5 From Marco Polo Bridge to Pearl Harbor -- 5.1 First Year of War -- 5.2 The National Government Clings on in Hope of Rescue -- 5.3 Toward an Alliance Against Japanese Aggression -- 5.4 The Early War Period, CPC Non-Governmental Contacts with the U.S. -- 6 Wartime Allies -- 6.1 The Rocky Road of Military Cooperation -- 6.2 Building a Special Relationship -- 6.3 The U.S. Army Observer Section in Yan'an -- 7 Shift in U.S. Policy Toward China -- 7.1 The Stilwell Incident -- 7.2 Hurley and the KMT-CPC Negotiations -- 7.3 The Pro-Chiang Anti-Communist Policy Took Shape -- 7.4 The Yalta Conference, the United States and the Sino-Soviet Treaty -- 8 Toward Confrontation -- 8.1 The First Six Months After the Second World War -- 8.2 Marshall's Attempt to Mediate and Sino-American Treaty -- 8.3 The China Aid Act of 1948 -- 8.4 The U.S. Double Policy and CPC's One-Sided Decision.

The Urban Racial State introduces a new multi-disciplinary analytical approach to urban racial politics that bridges urban theory, racism theory, and state theory by explaining the workings of the political structure whose urban governments enforce the regulation of race relations. In The Urban Racial State, Cazenave incorporates extensive archival and oral history case study data to support the placement of racism analysis at the center of the formulation of urban theory and the study of urban politics.

While the importance of navies for international affairs is widely documented, their influence in domestic politics remains less understood. This research offers a comparative account of how states' naval forces affect civil-military relations. Does the navy matter for military attempts to seize government power? Urban populations, especially middle class elements in the capital city, are more capable (if willing) of creating opportunities for the armed forces to overthrow the government. Recruitment practices and the location of bases often link naval forces more strongly to these societal elements. Thus, countries with a larger navy in relation to the army could be more vulnerable to a coup d'état. The empirical findings, based on the analysis of time-series cross-section data on a sample of all states between 1970 and 2007, provide strong support for this proposition. Several robustness checks further increase our confidence in the results.