Suchergebnisse

La visita del General De Gaulle a México primero, y luego a diez países de América del Sur en 1964- hace 50 años- debe comprenderse en el marco de una estrategia internacional francesa que se propuso generar cierta independencia respecto de la influencia de los Estados Unidos en el Viejo Continente y de las necesidades de instalarse políticamente en el escenario mundial de la Guerra Fría. Este artículo desarrolla el contexto internacional en el que se produjo la visita, los efectos que tuvo y las repercusiones en la política interna de los países del continente. ; The visit of General De Gaulle at first Mexico and then by ten countries of Latin America in 1964 - 50 years ago - must be understood in the context of a French international strategy that she proposed to generate certain independence from the influence of the United States in the Old World and the needs to settled politically on the world stage of the Cold War. This article develops the international context in which the visit took place, the effects that it had and the implications in the Latin American countries' domestic policy. ; Fil: Miguez, Maria Cecilia. Unidades En Red - Conicet. Instituto de Estudios Históricos, Económicos, Sociales E Internacionales; Argentina

In recent years, South America has witnessed a large increase in arms purchases. Nonetheless, there are important intraregional differences in terms of the allocation of resources for weapons acquisitions. How can we account for these disparities? Mainstream literature suggests that levels of arms importation depend on either the size of the defense budget or the perception of threat. In contrast, this article contends that the level of spending on arms is mainly determined by: (a) the expansive or nonexpansive nature of the strategic assessment of defense, (b) the available resources allocated by the defense budget, and (c) the level of political attention to defense issues. Thus, the aim of this article is to account for and assess the determinants of the different levels of arms importation in South America from 2000 to 2011. ; Fil: Battaglino, Jorge Mario. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad Torcuato Di Tella. Departamento de Ciencia Política y Estudios Internacionales. Centro de Estudios Internacionales; Argentina

Marginality in social change, ie minor modifications in social values & economic structures, is studied in Colombia during the War of Independence (1809-1830). Traditional colonialist values survive, to provide an "unfinished revolution." Revolution comes closer around 1852 when an ideological counter-elite is formed. However, it is coopted by the liberal oligarchy. This is compared with another counter-elite that appeared in the 1920's, to be likewise coopted, thus frustrating the revolutionary impulse. The guerrilla movement in Latin America is analyzed from the social organization point of view, its goals, & leadership, to point up the moral challenge to the "system" that it represents. An analysis of "unfinished revolutions" is made for Latin America, in search of explanation for cycles of frustration. Urbanization, industrialization, technological diffusion, & regional integration are studied as social change processes & found wanting. Agrarian reform & community development are likewise criticized. There are negative group & personality factors that hinge upon these frustrations as a result of insistent cooptation. Cooptation is seen as a key reactionary mechanism explaining unfinished revolutions in Latin America. AA.

A systematic analysis of the infra- & supra-structure of repression in Ru Latin America is described. A detailed description of the mechanisms used to maintain the Ru masses at subsistence levels of living both at the farm level & through national policies & strategies is presented. Copious examples are given from a variety of countries. It is obvious that present societies in Latin America are structured to maintain a poor peasantry--the mainstay of Latin America's latifundio system. AA.

Partial contents: The anticommunist campaign: from the Santa Fe document to the Kissinger report; Implementing U.S. military strategy: the flexible response and the rapid deployment force; The invasion of Grenada and its implications for Central America.

As democracy-building tools, fact-checking platforms serve as critical interventions in the fight against disinformation and polarization in the public sphere. The Duke Reporters' Lab notes that there are 290 active fact-checking sites in 83 countries, including a wide range of initiatives in Latin America and Spain. These regions share major challenges such as limited journalistic autonomy, difficulties of accessing public data, politicization of the media, and the growing impact of disinformation. This research expands upon the findings presented in previous literature to gain further insight into the standards, values, and underlying practices embedded in Spanish and Latin American projects while identifying the specific challenges that these organizations face. In-depth interviews were conducted with decision-makers of the following independent platforms: Chequeado (Argentina), UYCheck (Uruguay), Maldita.es and Newtral (Spain), Fact Checking (Chile), Agência Lupa (Brazil), Ecuador Chequea (Ecuador), and ColombiaCheck (Colombia). This qualitative approach offers nuanced data on the volume and frequency of checks, procedures, dissemination tactics, and the perceived role of the public. Despite relying on small teams, the examined outlets' capacity to verify facts is noteworthy. Inspired by best practices in the US and Europe and the model established by Chequeado, all the sites considered employ robust methodologies while leveraging the power of digital tools and audience participation. Interviewees identified three core challenges in fact-checking practice: difficulties in accessing public data, limited resources, and the need to reach wider audiences. Starting from these results, the article discusses the ways in which fact-checking operations could be strengthened. ; Thanks are extended to the anonymous reviewers and the academic editors for their constructive comments and suggestions. This study is part of the research project "Media Accountability Instruments against Disinformation: The Impact of Fact-Checking Platforms as Media Accountability Tools and Curricular Proposal," funded by the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation and the State Research Agency (FACCTMedia, PID2019— 106367GB-I00/AEI/10.13039/501100011033).

By the Right Rev. George Washington Doane, D.D., LL. D., Bishop of New Jersey, president of the college. Includes words to songs by Washington Allston and Martin Farquhar Tupper. FAU copy edges trimmed to 21 cm. ; Florida Atlantic University Libraries' Marvin and Sybil Weiner Spirit of America Collection, Pamphlets: Speeches B14F10 ; Florida Atlantic Digital Library Collections

Even before Iraq, the growing use of private military contractors has been widely discussed in the academic & public literature. However, the reasons for the proliferation of private military companies & its implications are frequently generalized due to a lack of suitable theoretical approaches for the analysis of private means of violence in contemporary security. Consequently, this article contends, the analysis of the growth of the private military industry typically conflates two separate developments: the failure of some developing states to provide for their national security & the privatization of military services in industrialized nations in Europe & North America. This article focuses on the latter & argues that the concept of security governance can be used as a theoretical framework for understanding the distinct development, problems & solutions for the governance of the private military industry in developed countries. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

En un escrito de 1762, las Reflexiones sobre el comercio español a Indias, Campomanes dedica dos capítulos a la discusión de la oportunidad de fomentar la pesca española en aguas americanas. En concreto, el proyecto se refiere a la instalación en Patagonia (Bahía de San Julián y Puerto Deseado) de factorías pesqueras dedicadas a la captura de la ballena y el lobo marino. Sus ideas, que estaban presentes en el círculo ilustrado cercano al gobierno, se verían plasmadas en la creación de la Real Compañía Marítima en 1789. ; Campomanes Reflexiones sobre el comercio español a Indias (written in 1762) include two chapters dealing with the convenience of promoting Spanish fisheries in America. The project aimed at setting up factories for whale and sea-wolf hunting in Patagonia (Bahía de San Julián and Puerto Deseado). Campomanes' ideas, which were shared by the enlightened circle near the government, met the establishment of the Real Compañía Marítima in 1789.

Este artículo aborda algunos de los cambios ocurridos en los lazos activos del sistema migratorio Europa-América Latina durante las últimas décadas. En primer lugar, se analizan los cambios en las tendencias y redireccionamientos de los flujos entre ambos pares del sistema. A continuación, se examinan los complejos reacomodamientos de las políticas migratorias, bajo la forma de una vuelta del «mirar hacia dentro» en los dos espacios. Por último, se revisan brevemente las alianzas que se están tejiendo entre Europa y América Latina, a través de España. En este marco, cabe interrogarse si estamos ante una nueva fase de la globalización de las migraciones, bajo la dinámica del péndulo, donde juegan la escala global y la regional. ; This article discusses some of the changes in the connections of the European-Latin American migration system over the past decades. First, we analyse the changing trends and re-routing of the flows between the two ends of the system. Then, we address the complex rearrangements of immigration policies, which in both spaces are again beginning to turn inwards. Lastly, we briefly review the partnerships that are being established between Europe and Latin America via Spain. Within this framework, we wonder whether we are entering a new phase of the globalisation of migration, the dynamic of which is a pendulum with global and regional effects. ; Fil: Sassone, Susana Maria. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Oficina de Coordinación Administrativa Saavedra 15. Instituto Multidisciplinario de Historia y Ciencias Humanas; Argentina ; Fil: Yepez del Castillo, Isabel. Université Catholique de Louvain; Bélgica

Determining whether the current situation of Latin America is better described as "post-neoliberalism" or as "commodities consensus" requires an analysis of recent changes in the region. Capitalism has expanded in agriculture and mining, accentuating the preeminence of basic exports. Traditional industry is declining, and remittances and tourism have increased in importance. Local capitalists associated with foreign corporations have replaced the national bourgeoisie, while the exodus of peasants consolidates labor precariousness, poverty, and inequality. At the same time, the United States is deploying troops to reorganize its domination. The South American rebellions have limited neoliberal aggression and achieved unusual victories in other parts of the world. The concept of post-neoliberalism emphasizes the region's political turn toward autonomy but overlooks the persistence of the economic model generated during the previous phase. The opposing concept, commodities consensus, highlights the extractivism prevailing throughout the region but plays down the extreme divergences among right-wing, center-left, and radical governments in all other areas. Both concepts contain part of the truth, but neither fully explains the regional scenario. ; Para determinar si la situación actual de Latinoamérica es mejor descrita como "postneoliberalismo" o como un "consenso de los commodities" hay que hacer un análisis de los cambios recientes en la región. El capitalismo se ha expandido en la agricultura y la minería, acrecentando la preeminencia de las exportaciones básicas. La industria tradicional ha disminuido, y la importancia del turismo y las remesas ha aumentado. Los capitalistas locales asociados con empresas extranjeras han reemplazado a la burguesía nacional, mientras que el éxodo de los campesinos ha consolidado la precariedad laboral, la pobreza y la desigualdad. Al mismo tiempo, Estados Unidos despliega tropas para reorganizar su dominio. Las rebeliones en América del Sur han puesto barreras a la agresión neoliberal y logrado victorias inusuales en otras partes del mundo. El concepto del postneoliberalismo destaca el giro político de la región hacia la autonomía pero con una tendencia a la persistencia del modelo económico generado durante la fase anterior. El otro concepto, el consenso de las commodities, destaca el extractivismo que prevalece en toda la región pero minoriza las divergencias entre los gobiernos de derecha, centro-izquierda y radicales en todas las demás áreas. Ambos conceptos son parcialmente ciertos, pero no explican totalmente el escenario regional. ; Fil: Katz, Claudio Isaac. Universidad de Buenos Aires; Argentina

La pregunta por la sujeto de enunciación emerge de una experiencia académica y nutre la visibilización de las diferencias que nos atraviesan como mujeres. Revisar las heridas abiertas que la invasión–conquista–colonización–evangelización europea provocó con la implantación de la matriz moderna, colonial, capitalista, patriarcal, occidental permite localizar la doble subalternidad de las mujeres latinoamericanas. Un des(re)encuentro con el humanismo académico permite traducir las raíces que nos atraviesan a nosotras, las mujeres de América Latina. El constructo delimita en la (auto)designación un espacio común, surgido ahora, de una experiencia común que disloca los discursos hegemónicos y gesta un "entre" el feminismo occidental y el feminismo poscolonial, que habilita particulares puntos de vistas en los devenires de mujeres como potencia epistemológica–política. ; The question of the subject of enunciation emerges from an academic experience and nourishes the visibility of the differences that cross us as women. Revising the open wounds that European invasion–conquest–colonization–evangelization is urgent for us. The occidental, modern, colonial, capitalist, patriarchal, implanted matrix permits to locate the double subordination of Latin American women. A dis(re)encounter with the academic humanism allows to translate the roots that cross us, the women of Latin America. In its (auto)designation the construct delimits a common space. Now this common space emerges from a common experience which dislocates hegemonic discourses and makes an "in between" among occidental and postcolonial feminisms, which enables individual views on women´s processes as epistemological and political power. ; Fil: Alvarado, Mariana. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Mendoza. Instituto de Ciencias Humanas, Sociales y Ambientales; Argentina

The tobacco epidemic continues to spread through Latin America and the Caribbean. Philip Morris and British American Tobacco Company control the market through their subsidiaries. In the past, governments in this region have shown little or no commitment to tobacco control. This, however, has changed in recent years as the World Health Organization (WHO) Framework Convention on Tobacco Control has been signed by most and ratified by several countries in the region. Non-governmental organizations, sometimes rallied by the InterAmerican Heart Foundation, have played a crucial role in supporting Treaty ratification. Latin America and the Caribbean have the momentum to move forward in tobacco control and also the support to approve the necessary legislation to halt the tobacco epidemic.

In Latin America, the role of the media in democratic societies has recently become the subject of public debates, struggles and political mobilizations that have denaturalized the existing media order and established a distinct policy agenda oriented towards media democratization. This region-wide trend – a counter-tendency to the globally dominant market-driven orientation of media and telecommunication policies – requires explanation. This article stresses that it cannot be attributed to a spontaneous reaction to market concentration or media elitism, just as it cannot be reduced to a top-down process driven by populist leaders seeking to control the media. Drawing on social movement literature, the article traces four interacting processes – domestic network mobilization, reframing processes, transnational activism and changes in political elite alignments – that have brought about the unprecedented politicization of the Latin American media order. ; Fil: Kitzberger, Philip. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad Torcuato Di Tella; Argentina

The M. H. Ross Papers contain information pertaining to labor, politics, social issues of the twentieth century, coal mining and its resulting lifestyle, as well as photographs and audio materials. The collection is made up of five different accessions; L2001-05, which is contained in boxes one through 104, L2002-09 in boxes 106 through 120, L2006-16 in boxes 105 and 120, L2001-01 in boxes 120-121, and L2012-20 in boxes 122-125. The campaign materials consist of items from the 1940 and 1948 political campaigns in which Ross participated. These items include campaign cards, posters, speech transcripts, news clippings, rally materials, letters to voters, and fliers. Organizing and arbitration materials covers labor organizing events from "Operation Dixie" in Georgia, the furniture workers in North Carolina, and the Mine-Mill workers in the Western United States. Organizing materials include fliers, correspondence, news articles, radio transcripts, and some related photos. Arbitration files consist of agreements, decisions, and agreement booklets. The social and political research files cover a wide time period (1930's to the late 1970's/early 1980's). The topics include mainly the Ku Klux Klan, racism, Communism, Red Scare, red baiting, United States history, and literature. These files consist mostly of news and journal articles. Ross interacted with coal miners while doing work for the United Mine Workers Association (UMWA) and while working at the Fairmont Clinic in West Virginia. Included in these related files are books, news articles, journals, UMWA reports, and coal miner oral histories conducted by Ross. Tying in to all of the activities Ross participated in during his life were his research and manuscript files. He wrote numerous newspaper and journal articles on history and labor. Later, as he worked for the UMWA and at the Fairmont Clinic, he wrote more in-depth articles about coal miners, their lifestyle, and medical problems they faced (while the Southern Labor Archives has many of Ross's coal mining and lifestyle articles, it does not have any of his medical articles). Along with these articles are the research files Ross collected to write them, which consist of notes, books, and newspaper and journal articles. In additional to his professional career, Ross was adamant about documenting his and his wife's family history in the oral history format. Of particular interest are the recordings of his interviews with his wife's family - they were workers, musicians, and singers of labor and folk songs. Finally, in this collection are a number of photographs and slides, which include images of organizing, coal mining (from the late 19th through 20th centuries), and Appalachia. Of note is a small photo album from the 1930s which contains images from the Summer School for Workers, and more labor organizing. A few audio items are available as well, such as Ross political speeches and an oral history in which Ross was interviewed by his daughter, Jane Ross Davis in 1986. All photographic and audio-visual materials are at the end of their respective series. ; Myron Howard "Mike" Ross was born November 9, 1919 in New York City. He dropped out of school when he was seventeen and moved to Texas, where he worked on a farm. From 1936 until 1939, Ross worked in a bakery in North Carolina. In the summer of 1938, he attended the Southern School for Workers in Asheville, North Carolina. During the fall of 1938, Ross would attend the first Southern Conference on Human Welfare in Birmingham, Alabama. He would attend this conference again in 1940 in Chattanooga, Tennessee. From 1939 to 1940, Ross worked for the United Mine Workers Non-Partisan League in North Carolina, working under John L. Lewis. He was hired as a union organizer by the United Mine Workers of America, and sent to Saltville, Virginia and Rockwood, Tennessee. In 1940, Ross ran for a seat on city council on the People's Platform in Charlotte, North Carolina. During this time, he also married Anne "Buddie" West of Kennesaw, Georgia. From 1941 until 1945, Ross served as an infantryman for the United States Army. He sustained injuries near the Battle of the Bulge in the winter of 1944. From 1945 until 1949, Ross worked for the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers, then part of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), as a union organizer. He was sent to Macon, Georgia, Savannah, Georgia and to Winston-Salem, North Carolina, where he worked with the United Furniture Workers Union. He began handling arbitration for the unions. In 1948, Ross ran for United States Congress on the Progressive Party ticket in North Carolina. He also served as the secretary for the North Carolina Progressive Party. Ross attended the University of North Carolina law school from 1949 to 1952. He graduated with honors but was denied the bar on the grounds of "character." From 1952 until 1955, he worked for the Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers as a union organizer, first in New Mexico (potash mines) and then in Arizona (copper mines). From 1955 to 1957, Ross attended the Columbia University School of Public Health. He worked for the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund from 1957 to 1958, where he represented the union in expenditure of health care for mining workers. By 1958, Ross began plans for what would become the Fairmont Clinic, a prepaid group practice in Fairmont, West Virginia, which had the mission of providing high quality medical care for miners and their families. From 1958 until 1978, Ross served as administrator of the Fairmont Clinic. As a result of this work, Ross began researching coal mining, especially coal mining lifestyle, heritage and history of coal mining and disasters. He would interview over one hundred miners (coal miners). Eventually, Ross began writing a manuscript about the history of coal mining. Working for the Rural Practice Program of the University of North Carolina from 1980 until 1987, Ross taught in the medical school. M. H. Ross died on January 31, 1987 in Chapel Hill, North Carolina. ; Personally identifiable information has been redacted from this item. ; Digitization of the M. H. Ross Papers was funded by the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.