Suchergebnisse

People at workplace always face with stress and feel it in their lives. There are many factors that create stress and mobbing is one of them. Mobbing is a psychological terror, conducted systematically toward an individual by others at the same workplace. Mobbing started to become a famous subject last years in U.S and Europe. In Turkey, it is a new concept not because it does not occur, because of human nature that does not allow confessing it. Mobbing is being ignored by people, organizations and also government in our country. The focus of this study will be mobbing in Turkey by examining the workplace mobbing among Turkish academicians. There are other studies about mobbing in Turkey but none of them studied academy. Because mobbing methods change according to sectors and occupations, it is important to analyze each sector to understand the methods used in mobbing and the reactions of victims to these actions. The concept is analyzed in detail before focusing on mobbing at universities. This paper will be unique because there is no information about this specific subject in Turkish literature. In this paper, both qualitative and quantitative methods will be used to describe the mobbing at Turkish academic environment.

The history of Turkish higher education and recent challenges. - S. 15-28 The governance of higher education in Turkey. - S. 29-46 Institutional patterns and quantitative developments. - S. 47-72 Degrees and programs. - S. 73-82 Faculty structure and academic work - S. 83-92 Students and graduates. - S. 93-94 The future of higher education in Turkey. - S. 95-106

Turkey passed an internet censorship law in 2007 with the declared objective of protecting families and minors (Akdeniz, 2010). It established a unit within the regulator BTK (Information and Communication Technologies Authority) responsible for imposing bans and blocks on websites based on nine catalogue crimes defined by other national laws (Akgül 2008, 2009a, 2009b). As of May 2015, 80,000 websites were banned based on civil code related complaints and intellectual property rights violations, reports the independent website Engelliweb. Blocking decisions rendered by penal courts are enforced even when they are based on grounds other that the nine catalogue crimes - such as terrorism, organised crime and crime against the state. Passed in parliament while ignoring the pleas of NGOs and of the internet sector, the Internet Law No. 5651 has since been used to temporarily ban popular platforms such as Blogger, Last.fm, Vimeo, Wordpress and YouTube. At the same time, some blocking decisions by the courts (e.g., Google and Facebook) were not enforced by the authorities. Since its introduction, the European Court of Human Rights has ruled that Law No. 5651 (Council of Europe, 2011) is against the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR, 2013). This article provides an overview of internet censorship and its social background in Turkey.

Hunger strikes and death fasts are forms of political action that have been undertaken in many countries around the world. Use of these tactics is a particularly important issue in Turkey where hunger strikes and death fasts are frequent. These political actions fall within the scope of disciplines such as deontology, law, and medical science. The multidimensional aspect of hunger strikes complicates consideration of the subject because different scenarios lead to different topics of debate. One of the issues discussed in this article is force feeding as a violation of fundamental rights. This article has been written with the goal of exploring hunger strikes from several different dimensions, and it thus reviews national and international literature about hunger strikes and death fasts, the history of the issue, national and international legislation, medical ethics, and particularly concerns about the right to life, freedom of thought, and freedom of expression.

An overview is presented of the role of Islam in Turkish history. An attempt is made to link some of the characteristics of the secularization movement which emerged after the establishment of the Turkish Republic (1923-) to policies of the Ottoman state which appeared at a much earlier time. The Turkish secularization movement was checked by the resurgence of Islam in the late 1940s. Beginning with 1973, a political party identifying itself with Islam appeared in the Turkish Parliament & thereafter has figured in two governmental coalitions. This party, the National Salvation Party, owes more to the Turkish Republican inheritance than it would like to admit. Its successful integration of ideas of economic growth with Islamic doctrines derives from its taking for granted & depending upon some of the social institutions established during the Republic. Among these are the ideas of a unified nation, & the mechanism of a nation-wide market & educational system. By comparison, the Islamic religious orders provided a much less workable organizational base for a synthesis between Islam & "modernism." Speculation centers on whether the absence of an indigenous Islamic capitalism may have been partly due to the absence in Islamic societies of such an organizational basis which the protestant communities provided for emerging capitalism. AA.

"Turkey's growing international profile, candidacy for the European Union, and persistent democracy have led to a growing interest in how that country is governed. This book provides detailed portraits of the seven main political parties by Turkish experts who are close observers of these institutions. In addition to providing an analytical survey of Turkish politics today, this volume also provides a fascinating case study on the problems of developing deep-rooted democracy, conflicts between state interests and interest groups, and the evolution of party systems."--Jacket

ABSTRACT: Public enterprises have played a distinct role in promoting economic development and have been instrumental in initiating the industrialization of Turkey, and in facilitating its balanced regional development, especially during the early stages of its economic development. However, since the late 1960s, public enterprises have been a drag on the economic performance of the country because of the economic problems they have caused. In response to the problems associated with public enterprises, privatization entered the political arena in the early 1980s. The Turkish government has now adopted a timetable to privatize the public enterprises. In this paper, an attempt is made to investigate the place and the weight of the public enterprises and their problems in the Turkish economy.

Main description: In Human Rights in Turkey, twenty-one Turkish and international scholars from a number of different disciplines examine a wide range of human rights issues and government polices since the 1920s at the intersection of domestic and international politics.

Human rights — Scope of application — European Convention on Human Rights, 1950, Article 1 — Whether extending to constitutional provisions in States — Aims and objectives of the ConventionHuman rights — Freedom of association — Political party — Order for dissolution — Whether serving legitimate aim — Whether proportionate and necessary in a democratic society — European Convention on Human Rights, 1950, Article 11

This is the first study that examines online anti-Semitism in Turkey. Nefes surveys important historical events concerning Turkish-Jewry and analyses people's online expressions about Adolf Hitler in the most popular forum website in Turkey, Ek?i Sözlük.

This study explores the possibility of critical agency of queer subjects in Turkey in terms of challenging and subverting normative structural constraints. These constraints are attested through expansive use of the concept of habitus including class, gender, family, ethnicity and religion. Our field study in which in-depth interviews have been conducted detected two types of habitus in the life experiences of queer subjects: critical and conservative. While the former enables critical agency, the latter undermines this possibility. On this ground, it is argued that exhibiting critical habitus appears to be the precondition of performing critical agency. We conclude that having multiple minority identities, education, and involvement in organizations develop a critical habitus enhancing critical queer agency.