Suchergebnisse

En este trabajo se analiza, desde un punto de vista crítico, el posicionamiento habermasiano en torno a su actual reconocimiento de los posibles aportes de las religiones al estado de derecho. Se afirma que tal postura no entraña contradicción con los presupuestos de la democracia deliberativa, ni afecta la calidad epistémica de sus procedimientos decisorios. Ahora bien, y precisamente por esto, la tesis a defender sostiene que, dado los exigentes requisitos que el filósofo establece para la participación de los ciudadanos religiosos en el ámbito político, tal reconocimiento en realidad no resulta tan significativo como el mismo lo presenta, pues establece como condición para las posibles contribuciones de tales ciudadanos que estos acepten las implicancias normativas del discurso argumentativo, que aseguran el valor cognitivo del procedimiento decisorio de la política deliberativa. El resultado del planteo de estas exigencias es que los aportes a la política basados en la fe solo resultan admisibles si no se presentan como tales. ; In this work is analyzed, from a critic point of view, the position of Habermas around his current recognition of the possible contributions of religions to the rule of law. It argues that such position does not involve contradiction with the presupposition of deliberative democracy, or affect the epistemic quality of their decision process. But precisely because of this reason, the thesis to defend holds that, in view of the demanding requirements that the philosopher establishes for the participation of the religious citizens in the political area, such a recognition actually does not turn out to be so significant as the philosopher presents it, since it establishes as condition to the possible contributions of such citizens, that they accept the normative implications of the argumentative discourse, which assure the cognitive value of the decision-making process of the deliberative politics. The result of consider these requirements, is that the contributions to politics based on faith are only admissible if they are not presented as such. ; Fil: Prono, Santiago Nicolas. Universidad Nacional del Litoral. Instituto de Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales del Litoral. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Santa Fe. Instituto de Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales del Litoral.; Argentina

This paper focuses on a chronology of events presented by the Romanian media, especially newspapers with national coverage and impact like Gândul and Adevărul, between the first week of June to the first week of September 2015, when the issue of having a mosque erected in Bucharest, the capital city of Romania, was intensely debated by intellectuals, politicians, and religious professionals. The debates were intensely heated from the onset of these events and most of them revealed that most of the participants were driven by anti-Muslim attitudes, xenophobia, and assertive nationalism, a complex of feelings that I called "negative ecodomy". The concept of "negative ecodomy" presupposes an attempt to built a safe environment, in this case for Romanians in their own country, but the adjective "negative" was added to the the positive idea of "ecodomy" because these efforts to offer a safe context for Romanians were accompanied by the negativity of anti-Muslim, xenophobic, and nationalistic activities. This array of negative ecodomic attitudes were displayed by Romanians not only in online media but also in the street through protests and other similar actions in a country which has been a member of the European Union for almost a decade and was supposed to adhere to the European Union's basic principles of multiculturalism and the free circulation of persons. The totality of these events show that Romanians are still rather far from accepting the European Union's fundamental philosophy or perhaps these principles themselves should be reconsidered and reinterpreted in the context of the massive Middle Eastern and African immigration and the constant, if not increasing threat of Islamic terrorism. ; This article is part of a two-year postdoctoral research program (2015–2017) at the Faculty of Theology, the Department of Dogmatics and Christian Ethics, University of Pretoria, under the supervision of Johan Buitendag. ; www.mdpi.com/journal/religions ; am2016 ; Dogmatics and Christian Ethics

AbstractRisk aversion dampens political participation and heightens religiosity, with concentrated effects among women. Yet, little is known about how intersecting identities moderate these psychological correlates of religiosity and political engagement. In this paper, we theorize that the risk-religion-politics relationship is gendered and racialized. Using a nationally representative survey, we show that political participation is more strongly correlated with risk for Black women than for any other race-gender group. For religiosity, however, we find little evidence that risk is related to religiosity among Black women, while highly correlated with white women's religious engagement. For men—whether Black or white—risk exhibits a modest, positive relationship with their religiosity. Our results speak to the importance of considering intersectionality and race-gender identities in evaluations of religious and political activities in the United States.

In the Early Modern Europe dissociation between politics and religion just loomed on the horizon. By contrast, more common was the immediate confessionalization of all sorts of political conflicts. The aim of this paper is to deal with the (unexpected) ideological connections between the Catalan revolt of 1640 and the French-Spanish war declared a few years earlier, and their common feature of religious war. To conclude, the difficulties of thinking just war outside the religion are stressed. ; En la Europa altomoderna el deslinde entre política y religión apenas se oteaba en el horizonte. Por el contrario, lo más habitual era la inmediata confesionalización de toda suerte de conflictos políticos. En este artículo se exponen las (insospechadas) conexiones ideológicas entre la revuelta catalana de 1640 y la guerra franco-española declarada unos pocos años antes, así como su vertiente común de guerra de religión. A modo de conclusión se subrayan las dificultades de pensar la guerra justa al margen de la religión.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- 1 Introduction -- 2 The Religio-political Nexus: Historical and Comparative Reflections -- 3 Politics and Religion in a Global Age -- 4 Comparative Secularisms and the Politics of Modernity -- 5 Europe in the Global Rise of Religious Nationalism -- 6 The European Union's Civil Religion in the Making? -- 7 Democracy, Secularism and Islam in Turkey -- 8 Orthodox Religion and Politics in Post-Soviet Russia -- 9 Religion and Politics, Church and State in Chinese History -- 10 Religion and the State in Contemporary Japan -- 11 Arab Revolutions and Political Islam: A Structural Approach -- 12 Beyond Post-secularism: Religion in Political Analysis (Review Article) -- Notes on the Contributors -- Index

"This third edition of the successful Routledge Handbook of Religion and Politics provides a definitive global survey of the interaction of religion and politics. From the United States to the Middle East, from Asia to Africa, and beyond, religion continues to be an important factor in political activity and organisation. Featuring contributions from an international team of experts, this volume examines the political aspects of the world's major religions, including crucial contemporary issues such as religion and climate change, religion and migration, and religion and war. Each chapter has been updated to reflect the latest developments and thinking in the field, and the handbook also includes new chapters on topics such as religious freedom, religion and populism, proselytizing, humanism and politics, and religious soft power. The four main themes addressed are: World religions and politics Religion and governance Religion and international relations Religion, security and development References at the end of each chapter guide the reader towards the most up-to-date information on these key topics. This book is an indispensable source of information for students, academics, and the wider public interested in the dynamic relationship between politics and religion"--

Catherine Malabou, Antonio Negri, John D. Caputo, Bruno Bosteels, Mark C. Taylor, and Slavoj Žižek join seven others-including William Desmond, Katrin Pahl, Adrian Johnston, Edith Wyschogrod, and Thomas A. Lewis-to apply Hegel's thought to twenty-first-century philosophy, politics, and religion. Doing away with claims that the evolution of thought and history is at an end, these thinkers safeguard Hegel's innovations against irrelevance and, importantly, reset the distinction of secular and sacred.These original contributions focus on Hegelian analysis and the transformative value of the philo