BALKAN - NORDIC FORUM ON SECURITY, COOPERATION AND INTEGRATION, BUCHAREST 5-8 JUNE 1997: CONFLICT PREVENTION AND CONFIDENCE-BUILDING: Implementing Dayton
In: Romanian journal of international affairs, Band 4, Heft 2, S. 77-104
ISSN: 1224-0958
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In: Romanian journal of international affairs, Band 4, Heft 2, S. 77-104
ISSN: 1224-0958
In: Journal of policy history: JPH, Band 10, Heft 1, S. 130-152
ISSN: 0898-0306
In: The Department of State bulletin: the official weekly record of United States Foreign Policy, Band 85, S. 5-8
ISSN: 0041-7610
In: Reflective practice, Band 21, Heft 4, S. 429-443
ISSN: 1470-1103
This article focus mainly on alternative policy mechanism as opposed to the government plan to change national currency as it lack the solutions to core economic problems facing South Sudan economy today. For example, hyperinflation, unemployment, poor investment climate, low aggregate GDP and GDP per capita, corruption and economic sabotage. The way out of these economic phenomenon has been elaborated beyond mere statement in the article, and these includes investment in both private and public sector, agricultural productivity to create food surplus in the country as well as fixing the exchange rate in order to reduce spread between the black market rate and official rate. The important of fixing exchange rate as a starting point is to enable necessary conditions to make South Sudan attractive for investment in order to increase productivity and purchasing power of local currency, restore orderly market mechanism, improve livelihoods, sustained rapid economic recovery efforts and mitigate uncertainty and marker risks. The paper has also express concerns over institutional weakness to handle this costly project in terms of cost of minting and printing of new currency to invalidation and monitoring of counterfeit money during the process. Additionally, the article recommends that South Sudan should closed potential channels through which money leave the country, by reviewing the employment percentages of foreign based nongovernmental organizations and industries, their mode of payment and make sure that all payments in the country are made in local currency. These also include government payments to foreign nationals and companies. Furthermore, government must demonstrate strong position against corruption as South Sudan rank worse at 179 out of 180 most corrupt countries in the world and 180 out of 190 countries where doing business is not easy. This is embarrassing and contradiction to the idea of making South Sudan attractive for the investment. The paper view currency change plan as dangerous economic ...
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In: Sociological research online, Band 21, Heft 2, S. 136-147
ISSN: 1360-7804
This paper is a response to Gorard's article, 'Damaging real lives through obstinacy: re-emphasising why significance testing is wrong' in Sociological Research Online 21(1). For many years Gorard has criticised the way hypothesis tests are used in social science, but recently he has gone much further and argued that the logical basis for hypothesis testing is flawed: that hypothesis testing does not work, even when used properly. We have sympathy with the view that hypothesis testing is often carried out in social science contexts when it should not be, and that outcomes are often described in inappropriate terms, but this does not mean the theory of hypothesis testing, or its use, is flawed per se. There needs to be evidence to support such a contention. Gorard claims that: 'Anyone knowing the problems, as described over one hundred years, who continues to teach, use or publish significance tests is acting unethically, and knowingly risking the damage that ensues.' This is a very strong statement which impugns the integrity, not just the competence, of a large number of highly respected academics. We argue that the evidence he puts forward in this paper does not stand up to scrutiny: that the paper misrepresents what hypothesis tests claim to do, and uses a sample size which is far too small to discriminate properly a 10% difference in means in a simulation he constructs. He then claims that this simulates emotive contexts in which a 10% difference would be important to detect, implicitly misrepresenting the simulation as a reasonable model of those contexts.
In: International journal of forecasting, Band 27, Heft 1, S. 103-120
ISSN: 0169-2070
In: Alcohol and alcoholism: the international journal of the Medical Council on Alcoholism (MCA) and the journal of the European Society for Biomedical Research on Alcoholism (ESBRA), Band 44, Heft 6, S. 626-633
ISSN: 1464-3502
In: The China quarterly, Band 124, S. 735-736
ISSN: 1468-2648
This study compared the effectiveness of Conventional Testing (CT), Liberal Marking (LM) and Confidence Sharing (CS) of scoring objective test in Chemistry. It examined which of the three scoring methods is more effective, reliable and valid. These were with a view to enhancing the reliability and validity of chemistry objective test for standard assessment. The population for the study comprised of senior secondary school three (SSSIII) students in Osun State. The sample consists of 150 SSSIII chemistry students in their intact classes from three randomly selected schools and in three randomly selected local government areas of the state. The classes were randomly assigned to the three scoring methods. The instruments used for this study were Chemistry Multiple-choice Test. The 40-item Chemistry multiple-choice test was administered on the students in each school. Three scoring methods used to score the test items. Data collected were analysed using Kuder-Richardson (kp-21) formula and fisher Z-test. Result obtained revealed that significant different existed in the reliability coefficient of CT, LM and CS (fc=1.444195; p<0.05) df (2,147). There is no significant difference existed among CT, LM and CS in the validity of the test score. CS performed better than LM at observed mean different of 2.2.0000 P<0.05. While LM is better than CT at mean observed different of 0.78451. It was therefore, concluded that CS could be used to authentically assess Chemistry students' performance and able to identify students with genuine learning difficulties
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This study compared the effectiveness of Conventional Testing (CT), Liberal Marking (LM) and Confidence Sharing (CS) of scoring objective test in Chemistry. It examined which of the three scoring methods is more effective, reliable and valid. These were with a view to enhancing the reliability and validity of chemistry objective test for standard assessment. The population for the study comprised of senior secondary school three (SSSIII) students in Osun State. The sample consists of 150 SSSIII chemistry students in their intact classes from three randomly selected schools and in three randomly selected local government areas of the state. The classes were randomly assigned to the three scoring methods. The instruments used for this study were Chemistry Multiple-choice Test. The 40-item Chemistry multiple-choice test was administered on the students in each school. Three scoring methods used to score the test items. Data collected were analysed using Kuder-Richardson (kp-21) formula and fisher Z-test. Result obtained revealed that significant different existed in the reliability coefficient of CT, LM and CS (fc=1.444195; p<0.05) df (2,147). There is no significant difference existed among CT, LM and CS in the validity of the test score. CS performed better than LM at observed mean different of 2.2.0000 P<0.05. While LM is better than CT at mean observed different of 0.78451. It was therefore, concluded that CS could be used to authentically assess Chemistry students' performance and able to identify students with genuine learning difficulties Article visualizations:
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In: Contemporary Italian politics, S. 1-22
ISSN: 2324-8831
In: Asian journal of research in social sciences and humanities: AJRSH, Band 6, Heft 12, S. 1130
ISSN: 2249-7315
In: Research on Finnish Society, Band 7, S. 21-35
ISSN: 2490-0958
In this study we explore to what extent did anti-political-establishment voting mobilized manifest political distrust in the 2011 Finnish parliamentary elections. In particular, we seek to determine whether the channels of manifest political distrust vary for different forms of political trust. Individual-level data from the Finnish National Election Study (FNES 2011, N = 1,268) is analyzed by applying multinomial logistic regressions. The results show that antipolitical-establishment voting effectively channels both specific and diffuse political distrust, but this dissatisfaction is not reflected as anti-incumbency voting. Furthermore, it seems that a significant amount of latent political distrust, which is not explicitly expressed by party preference at electoral polls, exists in the electorates of several governmental and opposition parties.