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Although their plight now dominates television news worldwide, the Bosnian Muslims were until recently virtually unknown outside of Yugoslavia. This meticulously researched, comprehensive book traces the turbulent history of the Bosnian Muslims and shows how their mixed secular and religious identity has shaped the conflict in which they are now so tragically embroiled. Although their plight now dominates television news worldwide, the Bosnian Muslims were until recently virtually unknown outside of Yugoslavia. Who are these people? Why are they the focus of their former neighbors rage? What role did they play in Yugoslavia before they became the victims of ethnic cleansing? Why has Bosnia-Hercegovina, once a model of ethnic tolerance and multicultural harmony, suddenly exploded into ethnic violence?Focusing on these questions, Friedman provides a comprehensive study of this national group whose plight has riveted governments, the press, and the public alike. With a name reflecting both their religious and their national identity, the Bosnian Muslims are unique in Europe as indigenous Slavic Muslims. Descendants of schismatic Christians from the Middle Ages, they converted to Islam after the Ottoman conquest of Bosnia.The book follows them as they went from victims of crusades during the Middle Ages to members of the ruling elite within the Ottoman Empire; from rulers back to subjects under Austria-Hungary; and later subjects again, this time under the Serbs in the interwar Yugoslav Kingdom and the Communists after World War II. The Bosnian Muslims have survived through it all, even thriving during certain periods, most notably when they were recognized by Tito as a nation.Meticulously tracing their turbulent history and assessing the issues surrounding Bosnian Muslim nationhood in Yugoslavia, Friedman shows us how the mixed secular and religious identity of the Bosnian Muslims has shaped the conflict in which they are now so tragically embroiled.

Intro -- POVERTY AND CHARITY IN MIDDLE EASTERN CONTEXTS -- Contents -- List of Illustrations -- Note to the Reader -- Introduction -- Part I: Entitlement and Obligation -- 1. Poverty and Charity in the Rise of Islam by Michael Bonner -- 2. Status-Based Definitions of Need in Early Islamic Zakat and Maintenance Laws by Ingrid Mattson -- 3. The Foreign Jewish Poor in Medieval Egypt by Mark R. Cohen -- 4. "Prices Are in God's Hands": The Theory and Practice of Price Control in the Medieval Islamic World by Adam Sabra -- Part II: Institutions -- 5. The Functional Aspects of Medieval Islamic Hospitals by Yasser Tabbaa -- 6. Charity and Hospitality: Hospitals in the Ottoman Empire in the Early Modern Period by Miri Shefer -- 7. Charity, the Poor, and Distribution of Alms in Ottoman Algiers by Miriam Hoexter -- Part III: The State as Benefactor -- 8. Living on the Margins of Charity: Coping with Poverty in an Ottoman Provincial City by Eyal Ginio -- 9. The Charity of the Khedive by Mine Ener -- 10. Imperial Gifts and Sultanic Legitimation during the Late Ottoman Empire, 1876-1909 by Nadir Özbek -- Part IV: Changing Worlds -- 11. Al-Tahtawi on Poverty and Welfare by Juan R. I. Cole -- 12. Islam, Philanthropy, and Political Culture in Interwar Egypt: The Activism of Labiba Ahmad by Beth Baron -- 13. "The Child Question": The Politics of Child Welfare in Early Republican Turkey by Kathryn Libal -- Part V: Welfare as Politics -- 14. Islamic Redistribution through Zakat: Historical Record and Modern Realities by Timur Kuran -- 15. Charity's Legacies: A Reconsideration of Ottoman Imperial Endowment-Making by Amy Singer -- Conclusion by Natalie Zemon Davis -- Contributors -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- Q -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- X -- Y -- Z -- SUNY series in the Social and Economic History.

Three variables were considered in this study: music philosophy education, Debussy aesthetic, and modernity. A questionnaire was created and filled out by students to determine the link between these variables. After using Reliability with a value of 0.8, which is regarded God for this study, Then we used Correlation to determine the relationship. The most significant part of Claude Debussy's aesthetic is nature. The majority of the French composer's music is in some way inspired by nature, and his critical articles and personal correspondence passionately urge for a synergy between music and nature. This dissertation investigates the relationship between cultural artefacts and the natural world using an increasingly relevant ecocritical lens, an interdisciplinary form of critique that aims to reconcile the complex link between the two. Set against the "long nineteenth century," Debussy's naturism, or nature worship, A Marxist historian named Eric Hobsbawm coined the term "century" and popularised it afterwards. Several academics have coined the word "interwar" to define the period in European history between the outbreak of World War I and the French Revolution. Debussy's music and criticism, according to my observations, combine to produce an honest challenge. to the environmental problems that come with unrestricted development in the twenty-first century in the United States
This contribution (MEP) introduces the field of "music education" or music education. Many music educators are unaware of the existence of music education philosophy, not to mention its nature and value. Dedicated MEP courses for undergraduate and graduate music education programs are not yet common in North America and most other countries. Nevertheless, (1) analyze, summarize, discuss, or "concern" all theoretical and practical aspects of music education and, as a result, (2) notify teachers and students of music education at the university. There is a substantial and fast-growing international literature of interest. A scholar of basic concepts, concepts, controversies, principles, and practices in school and community music education.

Serbia's political status after the death of Josip Broz was determined by two kinds of efforts by the state. Firstly, the Serbian leaders aimed to change its unequal status in federal Yugoslavia. Secondly, they aimed to stop fragmentation within Serbia, which grew steadily after the 1974 Constitution. Political relations between Serbian leaders on the one hand, and some political circles and leaders of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, and the autonomous provinces on the other, were strained. They worsened even more after several clashes in 1983. Despite the opposition of politicians in Bosnia, Croatia, and Vojvodina to Dragoslav Marković (who was described as a strong advocate of Serbian political unity), he was elected as chairman of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (CK SKJ) in 1983. Serbo-Croatian relationships were further damaged after the publication of the book Enigma Kopinič in Belgrade. The Croatian leaders were against this publication because it revealed – as far as the Party was concerned – undesirable information about the interwar years and the period during World War II. The major confrontation came over the interpretation of events that occurred at the funeral of Aleksandar Ranković (mainly over who was responsible for the mass gathering and the respectful attitude toward the deceased). Federal party units, as well as those from the Yugoslav republics and from Belgrade, jointly condemned those events as a political rally against the government. However, they disagreed over who was responsible for the incident and what had caused the public outcry. The CK SKJ chairmanship members from the autonomous provinces, Croatia, and Bosnia accused Serbia and the Serbian Communist Party for the display of nationalism. They also held the Belgrade City Party Committee responsible for letting the rally happen. Contrary to this, the Belgrade City Committee led by Ivan Stambolić, whom the Serbian leadership supported, felt that the uproar was caused by the overall political, economic, and social crisis, for which the Federal government was to blame.

This dissertation examines the career and methodological thinking of the sociologist Paul F. Lazarsfeld (1901-1976) from interwar Vienna to the mid-twentieth century United States. It locates the roots of the research system and graduate student training at the Columbia University Bureau of Applied Social Research in his Vienna formation. Lazarsfeld's approach to social research mediated between extreme Central European positions on the relationship between the natural sciences and the humanities and social sciences. Examination of Lazarsfeld's Viennese milieu uncovers the specific ways of thinking through this problem and the particular meanings attached to them that were highly local but embedded in conversations and scientific practices throughout Central Europe and across the Atlantic. In his American years, new constellations of thinkers and new political contexts imbued the problem with new meanings. A contextualized reconstruction of Lazarsfeld's career contributes to the ongoing revision of our understanding of "posivitism." Lazarsfeld anticipated "post-positivist" perspectives on skill, training, and objectivity that animate the practical turn in the history of science but from within the tradition of Viennese positivism. The dissertation is divided into three parts in rough chronological order but focused around Vienna from the end of the First World War until the early 1930s and the United States from the mid-1940s to the early 1960s. These periods cover Lazarsfeld's young adulthood in Vienna and the height of his influence and activity at Columbia University in postwar America respectively. Ways of doing social science that have seemed particularly "American" appear less indigenous because they can be traced in part back to Austria through Lazarsfeld. Attention to Lazarsfeld's idiosyncratic approach makes the supposed methodological consensus of the postwar American social sciences that vaunted "basic" or "pure" science and a "natural science model" appear less uniform. These findings open up space for nuanced examination of the relationships between methodology and context.

Дмитрий Философов, проживший в Польше с 1920 по 1940 год, еще до революции и эмиграции был знаком с некоторыми представителями польской культуры. Среди них был молодой дворянин - Юзеф Чапски. Именно благодаря ему сразу после приезда в Варшаву Философов попал в интеллектуальную среду столицы. Среди его знакомых были Мария Домбровская, Станислав Стемповски, Ежи Гедройц, его портрет писал Виткацы, скульптуру его головы делала сестра Софии Налковской. Но прежде всего стоит обратить внимание, что Философов не ограничивался просто светскими контактами, но также принимал активное участие в культурной и политической жизни, чего следы мы находим в воспоминаниях современников. Из них мы знаем, что он занимал позицию по поводу научных исследований, вступал в полемику по поводу литературных произведений, его интересовало положение национальных меньшинств. В данной статье анализируются некоторые воспоминания польской культурной элиты межвоенного периода на тему Философова, но с грустью приходится констатировать, что в свои последние польские годы он оставался человеком одиноким, для всех чужим. ; Yet before his emigration to Poland in 1920, Dmitry Filosofov had been personally acquainted with some Polish intellectuals, among them with young Józef Czapski. It was Czapski who introduced Filosofov to the cultural elite of Warsaw. There he has met Maria Dąbrowska, Stanisław Stempowski, Jerzy Giedroyć, Witkacy – who painted his portrait, Zofia Nałkowska's sister – who sculpted his bust. With some of them Filosofov has maintained long and enduring relationships. Going far beyond conventional social relations, Filosofov has taken an active interest in the cultural, social and political life of interwar Poland. He has commented on academic research, literary texts and stage plays. He has also been involved in the wide discourse on the plight of national minorities in Poland. In this article we review the remarks and recollections on Filosofov by some of the most prominent personalities of the period. We also take note of the estrangement and sadness of his last years in Poland.

The article deals with the possibility of developing fiscal decentralization and its main part—the institute of local taxes in Lithuania. The concept of local taxes and its place in state is considered. General principles of tax distribution on the state and local government levels are discussed. Experience of modern democratic states and interwar Lithuania in the sphere of local taxes is presented. The budget's structure of Lithuanian municipalities, from the point of view of local taxes, is analysed in the period of the last few years. The comparative analysis budget structures of Vilnius and other capitals of the Baltic countries are performed. The means proposed will enable us to develop the institute of local taxes up to the European level, i.e. the taxes allocated to the self-government to legalize as a local tax, rendering an opportunity to set its tariffs within the statutory limits and some new local taxes, for example, the taxes on the property of legal persons and that of luxury of natural persons, could be legalized. ; Straipsnyje nagrinėjama galimybė plėtoti fiskalinę decentralizaciją ir jos pagrindinės dalies – vietinių mokesčių – institutą Lietuvoje. Aptariama vietinių mokesčių sąvoka ir jų vieta valstybėje. Pateikiami pagrindiniai mokesčių paskirstymo tarp valstybės ir savivaldybių lygių principai. Aptariama šiuolaikinės demokratijos šalių ir tapukario Lietuvos patirtis vietinių mokesčių srityje. Analizuojama pastarųjų metų Lietuvos savivaldybių biudžetų struktūra vietinių mokesčių aspektu. Pateikiami Vilniaus miesto ir kitų Baltijos šalių sostinių savivaldybių biudžetų struktūrų palyginamosios analizės rezultatai. Atsižvelgiant į tyrimo rezultatus bei Vakarų šalių ir tarpukario Lietuvos patirtį, siūlomos priemonės, kurios leistų išplėtoti vietinių mokesčių institutą iki labiausiai pažengusių Europos šalių lygio, t. y. įteisinti mokesčius, dabar veikiančiais įstatymais priskirtus savivaldybėms, kaip vietinius, numatant galimybę savivaldybėms nustatyti jų tarifus įstatymų nustatytose ribose, įvesti naujus vietinius mokesčius, pvz., juridinių asmenų kilnojamojo turto bei fizinių asmenų prabangaus turto mokesčius.

In this study, I address the advent of 'modernity' in Dutch culture, especially in the Interwar years, from the perspective of scientists and engineers. They were important actors in many intellectual debates, since science and technology were at the core of the cultural and societal developments of the period. The first chapter of this study describes the cultural context. At the end of the nineteenth century, many characteristics of the 'modern age' were increasingly considered as problematic. Scientists, philosophers, writers and artists searched for new intellectual frameworks to befit the modern world. These frameworks were highly varied, ranging from occultism (the 'petites régions') to strictly rational philosophical systems. However the differences were gradual rather than fundamental. Science was at the core of the discussions about the problems of modernity. It was blamed for creating many of the problems, but it was also hailed as part of the solution. The problems of modernity were also discussed by contemporary Dutch intellectuals (including scientists) throughout the first half of the twentieth century. The cultural elite of the Netherlands was highly aware of contemporary developments in neighbouring countries. However, the Dutch debate had some specific characteristics. In contrast to the Weimar Republic, culture pessimism was absent in the 1920s. This changed in the 1930s, with the economic and political crisis. The crisis gave the problems of modernity a new urgency. In reaction, the intellectual debate changed from abstract and often utopian to a more concrete level. From the cultural and political debates that started at the turn of the twentieth century, a new kind of public intellectual emerged: the expert intellectual. That is the subject of the last chapter (chapter 8). I elaborate on the tension between social engagement and scientific objectivity that is inherent in the position of intellectuals. This tension was also one of the central issues in the debates about the role of scientists ...

The article considers the features of artistic thinking of the phenomenon of war in Ukrainian and foreign literature. Trends of development of the national anti-war novel discourse are seen through the background of the world literary process. Deep potential of artistic literature in the comprehension of the phenomenon of war with the powerful creative possibilities of the word is determined.The origins of the anti-war novel as part of military literature is traced in the heroic epic. The influence of the epic novel by L. Tolstoi "War and Peace" (1869) as the origin of the anti-war genre is defined.A novel-anticipation, a novel-warning of war, novel-caution by G. Wells, Jack London, H. Hesse, K. Chapek is considered as the fundamental basis of the genre system of the anti-war novel. Attention is drawn to the work "Loyal" ("Der Untertan") by H. Mann as the first anti-fascist novel.The main periods in the development of anti-war novel associated with the events of World War I, World War II, and, accordingly, the interwar and postwar periods are identified. Attention is paid to the artistic interpretation of wars in Vietnam, Afghanistan, Chechnya etc. Also the examples of anti-war novel in the Western European, America, and Soviet literatures are given.Novels "All Quiet on the Western Front" ("Im Westen nichts Neues") by E.M. Remarque, "Death of a Hero" by R. Oldington and "A Farewell to Arms!" by E. Hemingway is presented as the chrestomathy examples of the anti-war genre, published in 1929 in different parts of the world.Special attention is paid to the traditions of Ukrainian anti-war novel on the material of works by Ivan Bahrianyi, O. Honchar, P. Zahrebelnyi, U. Samchuk, O. Syzonenko, M. Stelmakh, Yu. Yanovskyi and others. Novels, which reflected the events of Maidan 2013–2014 and modern Russian-Ukrainian war are outlined, in particular "Mariupol Process" (2015) by H. Vdovychenko, "Fiery Winter" (2015) by A. Kokotiuha, "Airport" (2015) by S. Loiko, "Ilovaisk" (2015), "Five Second, Five Days" (2016) by Ye. Pologii, "Raw Nerve" (2015) by S. Talan, "Oblivion River" (2016) by Kapranovy Brothers. The idea that the Ukrainian anti-war novel reflects the search of original forms of comprehension of reality amid the world literary experience is emphasized. ; В статье прослеживаются особенности художественного осмысления феномена войны в русской и зарубежной литературе. Тенденции развития отечественного антивоенного романному дискурсу рассматриваются на фоне мирового литературного процесса. ; У статті простежуються особливості художнього осмислення феномену війни в українській і зарубіжній літературі. Тенденції розвитку вітчизняного антивоєнного романного дискурсу розглядаються на тлі світового літературного процесу.

In his now classic essay on the « Régimes d'historicité », the French historian François Hartog (2003) has very well described the effect of globalisation, democratisation and mass consumerism on our relation with the past and thus, with heritage. In the course of the 1970's, at a time when the ink of the Venice Charter was barely dry, postmodernity triggered a loss of collective anchoring and memory, paradoxically accompanied by an amplification of the thirst for commemorations, in the name of identity or heritage. Pierre Nora's great endeavour « Les lieux de mémoire », fully corresponds to this « presentism » era, including aside from monuments, museum and archives, intellectual constructions such as the Larousse encyclopaedia (Nora 1989). It very well illustrates the « extension of the heritage domain » as defined by the sociologist Nathalie Heinich (2009). In our « post-monumental » era, anything can possibly become heritage, regardless of scale, of artistic qualities, of age or ontological degree – from tangible to intangible. This is a sign of times. Following the example of Nelson Goodman replacing the essentialist definitions of art with the question « When is there art ? » (Goodman 1976), we should consider focusing on a dynamic and operational definition of heritage. The question « When is there heritage ?» better correspond to contemporary cultural studies and our attempt to understand « heritagization »; it contains the idea of a performative action, implying new actors, new dynamics, new process, new research questions, new difficulties and new opportunities. And by necessity new concepts. We are far from rejecting theories from the past which provided us with effective and stimulating tools. But who could still imagine today, in the situation we described, that any system could fully encompass the heritage reality as the grand theories – Brandi, Riegl,… – succeeded to do? The repeated attempts to get the Venice charter revised from the 1970's on (Houbart 2014), and the multiplication of thematic documents and charters are the best illustration of this impossibility. But while postmodern thinkers made us suspicious towards large systems, they also made us more modest and above all, more inclined to respect « bricolage », as a most helpful attitude after a shipwreck. We believe that the current return to a case by case approach – as promoted from the interwar period by theoreticians such as Ambrogio Annoni (1946) – often mostly relying on practical constraints such as reuse and technical performances, combined with the use of decontextualised concepts – separated articles from the Venice Charter, for example – and practices – using the Ise shrine periodical rebuilding to advocate any reconstruction project – doesn't mean to accept a cynical relativism in answer to the cause of a capital-intensive machine. But in practice, we cannot deny that it has sometimes been the case: the clearest examples are the debates addressing the reconstruction of monuments all over Europe, based on a jumble of arguments confusing the pure mercantilism of the tourism industry or unconfessed political reasons with post-conflict identity issues or religious traditions (Monumental 2010). Reflecting on such reconstruction projects, raising questions of identity, has convinced us of the incompleteness of the toolkit we inherited from 20th century theoreticians. Though still perfectly relevant to address the issues that were already present at the time when they were elaborated, they might prove inappropriate to address new types of heritage, new concerns, new issues such as cultural tourism, inclusive approaches, modern heritage or the digital turn. In this context, we have been drawn to look at texts outside the conservation sphere, starting from ontology of art and analytical philosophy. We discovered that taking a step to the side could provide a stimulating insight on heritage conservation problems. In fact, it is not surprising that, facing what many have called a heritage inflation, some new actors could help us. Now that heritage has quitted the monuments sphere to encompass any material or immaterial reality worthy of conservation and that the expert point of view is challenged by the ones of a broad range of stakeholders, from the user to the investor, it becomes interesting to look at this reality from different points of view borrowed to a wide range of human sciences such as law, communication, aesthetics, semiotics, anthropology or philosophy, to name a few. Together with our colleague Muriel Verbeeck, we are currently gathering texts in order to propose an anthology that could complement the existing ones in helping to fill conceptual gaps and throw a reinvigorating light on new problems raising old questions. The originality of the project is to chose most texts outside the conservation world, and to address movable and immovable heritage at the same time. During our presentation, we will provide some examples of the usefulness of these new concepts, some already known by a number of conservators – such as the distinction proposed by Nelson Goodman between allography and autography (Goodman 1976) –, some not – the impact of intention on identity, based on texts by Theodore Scaltsas (1981), for example –, and will encourage the members of the committee who might be interested in this approach to contribute to the project. ; Peer reviewed

In the interwar period the Ukrainian political, military and intellectual powers had been concentrated in Germany. They were united in to helping, professional, students, academics, socio-political and others organizations and society. The Ukrainian trust institution in German Empire, as the German government agency was established the 1st December 1938. Its task was register and help Ukrainian immigrants in the Greater Germany territory. The Ukrainian trust institution had been operated until the end of the Second World War. Sources on the history of the Ukrainian trust institutions in Germany have been kept in the Central State Archives of higher authorities and government of Ukraine in Kyiv, in the Sectoral State Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine in Kyiv, in the Archive of Ukrainian nationalists in Kyiv, in the Federal Archives of Federal Republic of Germany in Berlin, etc. Apart documents that are stored in the Archival Fond the important information on the history of the Ukrainian trust institutions in German Empire contained in the Ukrainian emigration periodicals: «Ukrainian Journal» (Berlin), «Ukrainian reality» (Berlin), «Ukrainian Press Service» (Berlin) and others and in the memories of the contemporaries: «Ukrainians in Berlin 1918–1945. Commemorative collection of reports and memories of the life and activities of Ukrainian in Berlin on the occasion of the Congress on Sept. 5, 1981 at the Sheraton Hotel in Toronto, Canada» (compiled by V. Yarish, M. Sulyma, etc.; ed. By W. Veryha) (Toronto, 1996); Vasyl Yarish «Ukrainian trust institution in Germany». Officially the: «Ukrainische Vertrauensstelle im Deutschen Reiche» (in the book: «Ukrainians in Berlin 1918–1945.», Toronto, 1996); Volodymyr Kubiiovych «Ukrainians in the General Provinces. 1939–1941. The history of the Ukrainian Central Committee» (Chicago, 1975); Mykhailo Seleshko «In the claws of the Gestapo» (Kyiv, 1996); Yuriy Sheveliov «I, me, of me. (and around about)». The memoirs. In two volumes (Kharkiv, New York, 2001); Olena Ott-Skoropadska «The Last of the Skoropadsky family» (Lviv, 2013) and others. ; В Германии в междувоенный период сконцентрировались украинские политические, военные и интеллек- туальные силы, которые были объединены в профессиональные, студенческие, научные общественно-поли- тические общества и организации. 1 декабря 1938 года было основано Украинское учреждение доверия в Германской империи – немецкое правительственное учреждение, заданием которого была регистрация и помощь украинским эмигрантам на территории Германии. Функционировало Украинское учреждение доверия до конца Второй мировой войны. Источники к истории деятельности Украинского учреждения доверия в Германии хранятся в Центральном государственном архиве высших органов власти и управления Украины в городе Киев, Отраслевом государ- ственном архиве Службы безопасности Украины, Архиве Организации украинских националистов в городе Киев, Федеральном архиве Федеративной Республики Германии в городе Берлин и др. Кроме документов, ко- торые хранятся в архивных фондах, важная информация по истории деятельности Украинского учреждения доверия содержится в периодических изданиях украинской эмиграции в Германии, таких как: «Український вісник» (Берлин), «Українська дійсність» (Берлин), «Українська пресова служба» (Берлин), а также в воспо- минаниях современников: «Українці в Берліні 1918–1945. Пропам'ятний збірник доповідей і спогадів з життя і діяльності українців у Берліні з нагоди З'їзду 5 вересня 1981 р. в Шератон готелі в Торонто, Канада» (упорядники В. Яріш, М. Сулима) (Торонто, 1996), Василь Яріш «Українська установа довір'я в Німеччині. Офіційно: Ukrainische Vertrauensstelle im Deutschen Reiche» (Торонто, 1996), Володимир Кубійович «Українці в Генеральній Губернії. 1939–1941. Історія Українського Центрального Комітету» (Чикаго, 1975), Михайло Селешко «У кігтях гестапо» (Київ, 1996), Юрій Шевельов. «Я, мені, мене… (і довкруги)». Спогади. У двох то- мах (Харків; Нью-Йорк, 2001), Олена Отт-Скоропадська «Остання з роду Скоропадських» (Львів, 2013) и др ; У Німеччині в міжвоєнний період сконцентрувались українські політичні, військові та інтелектуальні сили, що були об'єднані в допомогові, професійні, студентські, наукові, громадсько-політичні й інші організації та товариства. 1 грудня 1938 року було засновано Українську установу довіри в Німецькій імперії – німецьку урядову установу, завданням якої була реєстрація та допомога українським емігрантам на теренах Великої Німеччини. Діяла Українська установа довіри до кінця Другої світової війни. Джерела до історії діяльності Української установи довіри в Німеччині зберігаються в Центральному державному архіві вищих органів влади та управління України в місті Київ, Галузевому державному архіві Служби безпеки України в місті Київ, Архіві Організації українських націоналістів в місті Києві, Федеральному архіві Федеративної Республіки Німеччини в місті Берлін та ін. Окрім документів, які зберігаються в архівних фондах, важлива інформація з історії діяльності Української установи довіри в Німецькій імперії міститься в періодичних виданнях української еміграції: «Український вісник» (Берлін), «Українська дійсність» (Берлін), «Українська пресова служба. Українське видання. За- ступництво на Німеччину» (Берлін) та ін., а також у спогадах сучасників: «Українці в Берліні 1918–1945. Пропам'ятний збірник доповідей і спогадів з життя і діяльності ук- раїнців у Берліні з нагоди З'їзду 5 вересня 1981 р. в Шератон готелі в Торонто, Канада» (упорядники В. Яріш, М. Сулима та ін.; ред. В. Верига) (Торонто, 1996), Василь Яріш «Українська установа довір'я в Німеччині. Офіційно: Ukrainische Vertrauensstelle im Deutschen Reiche» (в кн.: «Українці в Берліні 1918–1945.», Торонто, 1996), Володимир Кубійович «Українці в Генеральній Губернії. 1939–1941. Історія Українського Центрального Комі- тету» (Чикаго, 1975), Михайло Селешко «У кігтях гестапо» (Київ, 1996), Юрій Шевельов. «Я, мені, мене… (і довкруги)». Спогади. У двох томах (Харків; Нью-Йорк, 2001), Олена Отт-Скоропадська «Остання з роду Скоропадських» (Львів, 2013) та ін.

SummaryThis article deals with politicisation of the public sector in Lithuania in the context of ensuring loyalty of high public officials to the politics of the Government of the day. The theoretical framework of Public Service Bargains (PSBs) was used in order to analyse historical changes and contemporary perception of loyalty among politicians and high public officials.The analysis of available historical researches does not allow identifying precisely a clear picture of the loyalty bargain in the public sector of the interwar Lithuania. But the lack of clear legal framework, some elements of the tsarist Russia public administration tradition and no evidence on the intended attempt to create loyalty to the state and the law don't allow regarding historical Lithuanian interwar tradition as a hierarchical loyalty bargain. Post-war Soviet type administration tradition in Lithuania was analysed taking into account the researches of central Soviet administration tradition as well as studies of the Soviet Lithuania administration. A close look at the dual type Soviet administration provides evidence on the domination of egalitarian with some individualistic elements loyalty bargain type among the ruling elite. This type of loyalty bargain was secured by a personal loyalty network based on formal and informal ties. An analysis of changes in the legislative framework after re-establishing independence was used to identify the attempts to redefine loyalty bargain in transition period. The integration to the EU was a factor that was used by the administrative elite of Lithuania to secure a hierarchical loyalty bargain in a formal and legalistic way without reaching a common understanding with politicians. This hierarchical loyalty bargain is not based on historical administrative or cultural tradition. An analysis of biographies of the heads of the policy making institutions, statements of politicians as well as courts' decisions regarding the removal from office provides a mixed picture regarding the praxis of loyalty bargain in the Lithuanian public sector. There is some evidence that politicians prefer egalitarian loyalty bargain and do not recognise formal hierarchical loyalty setting. The hierarchical loyalty bargain is tolerated by politicians only with judges and in some cases with the heads of the regulatory agencies. On the other hand, most of the heads of the policy making institutions are making attempts to consolidate the hierarchical loyalty bargain through legal means. This situation could be regarded as cheating on loyalty bargain from both sides that provoke politicians to search for new ways in achieving the loyalty of high public officials to the politics of the incumbent government and exercise politicisation practices for that purpose ; Straipsnyje iš viešosios tarnybos susitarimų modelio perspektyvos ap­tariamos viešojo sektoriaus politizacijos teorinės prielaidos ir nagrinėjamas sąryšis su viešojo sektoriaus vadovų lojalumu politikams. Remiantis šiomis įžvalgomis aptariami Lietuvos viešajame valdyme istoriškai susiklostę egali­tariniai, o kai kuriais atvejais ir individualistiniai lojalumo elementai, kuriuos sustiprino fragmentuota sovietinė institucinė struktūra su lygiagrečia perso­naliniu lojalumu ir neformalių ryšių tinklu besiremiančia valdymo struktūra. Taip pat apžvelgiama šiandieninio Lietuvos viešojo valdymo lojalumo sam­pratos fragmentacija, parodant, kad politikų ir vadovų santykius apibrėžti kaip sutarimą galima tik tam tikruose sektoriuose, o daugumoje sričių lojalu­mo aspektą politikai ir viešųjų organizacijų vadovai interpretuoja skirtingai. Tai vyksta nepaisant bandymų institucionalizuoti su istorine tradicija nesisie­jančią hierarchinę lojalumo struktūrą.

The chief purpose of BBC World Service, Radio France Internationale, and Voice of America in the Context of International Communication: From Propaganda to Public Diplomacy is to analyse the role radio stations fulfil for international communication nowadays in the light of the roles they served in the past (that is, the times when radio dominated). During the interwar period and right before World War II, new radio stations came to being that aimed at broadcasting content targeted at the listeners abroad. Initially, these radio stations were transmitting mostly official messages or functioning as private point-to-point communication; in both cases, they functioned similarly to telegraphs (assuming one addresser and one addressee). Along with not only the development of the transmitting and receiving devices but also the widening of our knowledge on radio waves, radio turned into a mass medium, thanks to various "freaks," including investors and other radio lovers. Having access to the network of correspondents and a powerful radio signal, radio stations back then were able to provide live coverage of the events that interested listeners all around the globe. The capacities of radio were significant during World War II as well; precisely, it ceased to serve communication purposes exclusively, and was included into military arsenal (used not only in operations and diversion actions, but also for jamming and scouting). This military conflict showed that the possibility of reaching listeners abroad – that is, the citizens of adversary, allied, and neutral states – had been of enormous importance, whereas the ability of shaping the opinions of foreign citizens had become a crucial part of contemporary warfare. The relevance of radio for international communication was indisputable also during the Cold War. Radio Free Europe, Radio Liberty, Voice of America, BBC World Service, Radio France Internationale, Deutsche Welle, Radio Madrid, Radio Moskwa, and Radio China International were fundamentally engaged in both ideological war and public diplomacy. Simultaneously, various international processes changed the position radio occupied among other media; the "Golden Age of Radio" reached a significant decline in the 1950s, when the dominance of radio gave way to the advent of television, whereas from late 1990s on the situation of all media was revolutionised by the birth of the Internet. As a result, digitalisation, convergence, shifts in reception and use of media – not to mention other broader phenomena, including the dominance of audiovisual culture – affected not only listeners and their preferences (inclining to fragmented radio programmes), but also ratings and marketability of radio stations. Finally, since political communication has privileged the audiovisual paradigm, and domestic policy has gradually become a media issue, radio has withdrawn in this area as well, giving primacy to television and new media. Because of the aforementioned factors and shifts, it becomes vital to carefully reconsider the contemporary and international status of radio. After all, one might be tempted to think that radio is no longer in its heyday, whereas both governments and individual listeners do not deem it as a genuine informative medium or a means capable of reaching the foreign public opinion. This book, therefore, explores how Radio France Internationale, Voice of America, and BBC World Service changed diachronically in reference to other radio stations alike, points to rules they follow and formats their programmes take, and analyses their recent activity in international communication between 2014 and 2018. Chapter 1 introduces theoretical vocabulary international communication relies on, and juxtaposes its various definitions with related cultural phenomena, including transcultural communication, political communication, propaganda, public diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, media diplomacy, and soft power. Aside from analysing these concepts, this chapter also proposes an innovative definition of international communication and its graphic model. Chapter 2 is diachronic, and it focuses on the discovery of radio waves and the invention of radio read from the technical perspective, which determines the position of radio for international communication. Moreover, the early forms of radio are recalled with regard to their significance for foreign communication. Finally, the development of radio and broadcasting in France, United Kingdom, and the USA is presented with an emphasis put on the differences between their broadcasting models. Chapter 3 is devoted to the development of international broadcasting, dividing it into three stages: 1) the early 20th century (until the 1930s), when radio waves were being tested, the first experimental stations came to being, and first international radio stations were founded, including those in Nauen and Zessen (Germany), Sainte-Assise and Le Post Colonial (France), Eindhoven and Heuzen (Netherlands), Chelmsford (United Kingdom); 2) the World War II period, in which the uses of radio for international military communication are analysed in reference to propaganda radio stations (Radio Berlin, Radio Hamburg, Radio Stuttgart, Radio Tokio) and its prominent figures (William Joyce ("Lord Haw-Haw"), Paul Ferdonnet ("the Stuttgart Traitor"), Mildred Gillars ("Axis Sally"), Ive Togure ("Tokyo Rose")), British pirate radio stations functioning in response to the Axis propaganda (for instance, Gustav Siegfried Eins), the radio stations of French Resistance with a special emphasis put on Radio Brazzaville, that is, Charles de Gaulle's chief means of international communication, and, finally, Voice of America serving for public diplomacy purposes; 3) the Cold War period, in which the objectives, assumptions, and strategies of international broadcasting posed by France, United Kingdom, the United States of America between 1945 and late 1980s are examined. The last chapter is entirely dedicated to BBC World Service, Radio France Internationale and Voice of America nowadays, paying attention to their regulations, structures, and broadcasting services. These radio stations are understood as means used for public diplomacy of their countries, and their institutional and formal connections to government institutions are discussed. Consequently, this comparative chapter refers to the legal contexts, supported by acts and regulations of a given country, presents the principles and levels of funding, reconstructs the institutional positions of radio among other media, and characterises broadcasting in terms of services, directions, and programmes. The analysis of contemporary strategies and activities of the discussed radio stations makes it possible to claim that the use of radio for international communication has not lost its relevance, and currently is supported with television and the Internet, that is, the media that were invented later in the course of historical progress. Radio stations, therefore, are not held in media bubbles; rather, they are still significant means of foreign communication because of their specificities. Furthermore, radio communication complies with strategic foreign policies, which affects various parts of the world where levels of technological development diverge whilst the access to television or the Internet connection is not available. In the countries stricken with military conflicts or poverty, radio is still the predominant means of communication that serves numerous purposes; not only is it a source of information on military operations, epidemiological situations, climate and natural disasters, but also it educates its listeners on civil and human rights, especially women's rights. Finally, Voice of America, BBC World Service, and Radio France Internationale support policies against extremism and propaganda (for instance, fake news). The services of the discussed radio stations are related to the policies the United States of America, United Kingdom, and France put forward against ISIL and international terrorism, but also to those actions that support democratic changes in the countries affected by war and political unrest.

[spa] El período de crecimiento económico que aquí analizaremos se caracteriza por el foco que pondrá el Estado en el desarrollo de la política industrial, su influencia en el impulso de ciertos sectores considerados estratégicos y también en el papel como agente económico que adquirirá una vez iniciado el proceso. A partir de las reflexiones acerca del período realizadas tanto por economistas de la época como Pinto (1959) y Mamalakis (1976), y también contemporáneos como Meller (2016), parecería que se trató de un proceso fracasado, por la imposibilidad de perpetuar en el tiempo el desarrollo del sector industrial. Con el foco puesto en el crecimiento, la deuda, la inflación, el desarrollo del sector industrial y el estancamiento de la agricultura, la mayor parte de los estudios se han propuesto analizar las limitaciones del período industrializador (Bértola, 2011; Dornbusch & Edwards, 1992; Kaldor, 1971; Mamalakis, 1976; Pinto, 1959). En esta investigación queremos ampliar los elementos de análisis que existen sobre este momento, incorporando no sólo nuevos datos si no presentando un elemento transversal al proceso de crecimiento del período: las/os trabajadoras/es y sus salarios. El interés por los salarios no es injustificado, ya que han sido un elemento principal en el estudio de las ventajas y limitaciones de la industrialización desde fines del siglo XIX en Europa y su centralidad en el análisis histórico y económico hace que continúen los esfuerzos por generar o mejorar series históricas de salarios (Margo, 2000; Scholliers, 1989; Scholliers & Zamagni, 1995). Las remuneraciones, además de su contribución a la comprensión de fenómenos sociales y económicos, han sido objeto de estudio en sí mismas, por el papel que juegan en la historia de los trabajadores y en el estudio de las condiciones del mercado laboral (Goldin & Margo, 1992; Hatton & Thomas, 2010; Margo, 2000; Rosenbloom, 1998). Esta tesis se enmarca en las transformaciones del modelo de crecimiento producto de las políticas industrializadoras, pero también en las posibilidades (y limitaciones) que estos cambios entregaron al sector obrero. En ese sentido, el principal objeto de esta investigación es entregar nuevas series de salarios nominales y reales, y analizar el comportamiento de los salarios en el contexto del desarrollo industrial y económico chileno en el período de crecimiento hacia adentro. Con esto queremos contribuir al debate acerca de las características que tuvo este proceso llevado a cabo en América Latina, centrándonos en un espacio que ha sido central en los debates sobre la industrialización en otras regiones: los salarios. Junto a esto, esperamos aportar a los debates sobre los salarios en general al evaluar el desempeño salarial en un contexto de cambio estructural, a partir del potencial explicativo de variables económicas e institucionales. Los años que abarca la industrialización dirigida por el estado son complejos económica y socialmente. Hemos recorrido estos cuarenta años desde distintas miradas y perspectivas a través de las series de salarios nominales y reales. Se han presentado también series de salarios para espacios olvidados por las estadísticas oficiales, en el caso de la desagregación por sector, la rama agrícola y con una nueva serie de remuneraciones para un sector generalmente olvidado en las estadísticas históricas: las mujeres trabajadoras. El primer resultado de esta investigación son las series de salarios medios nominales, es decir, la serie total del sector obrero, las series por sector y las series desagregadas por género. Y a través de ellas, se aprecia que la Gran Depresión deja una clara huella en la curva de salarios nominales. La desagregación por rama permite ver que las remuneraciones en la etapa de industrialización fueron bajas, ya que la construcción – un sector de baja calificación y precariedad – es el que se mueve durante todos estos años en torno a la media. La evidencia de bajos salarios que nos entregan los salarios nominales se verifica si observamos los salarios ajustados por el costo de vida. La primera conclusión que podemos extraer de la curva de salarios reales es que antes de los sesenta, los incrementos de salarios responden exclusivamente a períodos de recuperación de lo perdido. El análisis de la serie de salarios medios reales se realiza en función de la productividad, la inflación, el desempleo, y la sindicalización y la huelga, como expresión del movimiento obrero. Este análisis permite observar que en los primeros años de la serie el crecimiento de la productividad tiene un papel en el bajo crecimiento de salarios, pero que luego se separa ostensiblemente del rumbo que toma el aumento salarial generando una brecha a partir de mediados de los años cuarenta, tomando el producto por trabajador una velocidad de incremento mayor. Asimismo, la inflación que a primera vista es uno de los elementos que más claramente parecen afectar los salarios parecen tener un rol preponderante pero no exclusivo en el bajo crecimiento de los ingresos, dado que especialmente en la crisis inflacionaria de los años cincuenta, estos disminuyen incluso si son ajustados por el deflactor del PIB como índice alternativo. El desempleo marca su influencia más importante en la crisis de la Gran Depresión, generando altos niveles de desocupación que motivan en gran parte la pérdida de poder adquisitivo de la población en esa época. Finalmente, vemos que la debilidad del movimiento obrero afectado por una gran represión a partir de fines de la década de los cuarenta es una de las variables que explica el estancamiento y la vulnerabilidad de las remuneraciones a los eventos inflacionarios, los que no parecen afectar al crecimiento y se concentran casi exclusivamente en la capacidad de compra del sector obrero. Así, la historia de los salarios en Chile durante el período industrializador dirigido por el Estado se ve fuertemente afectado por los bajos salarios y las pocas posibilidades de incremento que nos muestra la serie salarial media así como las series desagregadas. La curva de la productividad por otra parte, muestra que si existió en ese período espacio para el crecimiento de los salarios obreros que no se realiza principalmente como consecuencia de la represión de que fue objeto la organización sindical. Bibliografía citada en este documento Bértola, L. (2011). Bolivia, Chile y Perú desde la Independencia: una historia de conflictos, transformaciones, inercias y desigualdad. En Institucionalidad y desarrollo económico en América Latina. Santiago: Cepal. Dornbusch, R., & Edwards, S. (1992). Macroeconomía del populismo en la América Latina. Fondo de Cultura Económica. Goldin, C., & Margo, R. A. (1992). Wages, Prices, and Labor Markets before the Civil War. En Strategic Factors in Nineteenth Century American Economic History: A Volume to Honor Robert W. Fogel (pp. 67–104). National Bureau of Economic Research. Hatton, T. J., & Thomas, M. (2010). Labour markets in the interwar period and economic recovery in the UK and the USA. Oxford Review of Economic Policy, 26(3), 463– 485. Kaldor, N. (1971). Los Problemas Económicos de Chile. En Ensayos sobre Política Económica. Madrid: Tecnos. Mamalakis, M. (1976). Growth and Structure of the Chilean Economy: From Independence to Allende. New Haven: Yale University Press. Margo, R. A. (2000). Wages and Labor Markets in the United States, 1820-1860. National Bureau of Economic Research. Meller, P. (2016). Un siglo de economía política chilena (1890-1990) (2a. ed). Chile: Uqbar. Pinto, A. (1959). Chile, un caso de desarrollo frustrado. Santiago de Chile: Editorial Universitaria. Rosenbloom, J. L. (1998). The Extent of the Labor Market in the United States, 1870–1914. Social Science History, 22(3), 287–318. Scholliers, P. (1989). Real Wages in 19th and 20th Century Europe: historical and comparative perspectives. Berg Publishers Limited. Scholliers, P., & Zamagni, V. (1995). Labour's Reward: Real Wages and Economic Change in 19th and 20th century Europe. Edward Elgar Publishing. ; [eng] This thesis looks to contribute, through new wages series, with the debate about the problems and limitations of the import substitution period in Chile. The series that exist now do not comprehend the entire period or are calculated from different sources with various methodologies. For that, the first goal is to estimate a new average wage series, sector and gender series for the period of 1927/1928-1973. The new series show that the average wages of this period are low and that they don't grow until the sixties. The prior three decades were marked by almost no growth and wages crisis as result of inflation peaks. But the analysis also shows that there was space for growth due to a growing gap between productivity and wages after the forties, even after adjusting wages by the product deflator. In this scenario, labour movement history and data about unionization and strikes shows that the relationship between the governments and the labour unions, with long periods of repression, had an important role in the weakness and slight capacity of workers to demand for better wages.

With its core purpose of establishing the legal status of immovable property, the system of land and mortgage registers (perpetual books) operating in Poland plays a paramount social and economic role in ensuring legal security of real estate conveyancing, and thereby contributes to implementing the constitutional principle of democratic state ruled by law. The foundations for a uniform land and mortgage register law were laid down in the 1930s by the Codification Commission of the Republic of Poland, appointed after the Polish State regained independence in 1918, following the period of partitions. The works of the Commission were interrupted by the outbreak of the Second World War in 1939. In the early years of the post-war communist regime, the Commission's draft provisions on land and mortgage registers served as the basis of the unified legislation that entered into force. Shortly thereafter, however, the very usefulness of the institution of land and mortgage register was contested by communist authorities, as it was considered contrary to the ideological assumptions underlying the socialist system. As a consequence, although not abolished, the land and mortgage register law's relevance was diminished substantially for several decades, as manifested by the fact that it was not incorporated into the Civil Code of 1964. The significance of land and mortgage registers was restored to a certain degree only upon adopting the Land and Mortgage Registers and Mortgage Act of 1982, which, after being appropriately amended, is still in force. Subsequently, land and mortgage registers were subject to systemic reforms as part of the democratic transition process in Poland, and in recent years, advanced computerisation and informatisation actions have been undertaken bringing about noteworthy modernisation effects.
In view of the forthcoming 40th anniversary of the enactment of the Land and Mortgage Registers and Mortgage Act, it is worth providing deeper insights into contemporary Polish land and mortgage register law against the historical background. The article is aimed at outlining the evolution of legislative and doctrinal approaches to the position of land and mortgage registers in the legal system in Poland — from the period of the interwar Codification Commission's activity, through the decades of the totalitarian domination of the communist system, until the present time. In this respect, particular reference will be made to basic rules underpinning the organisation of land and mortgage registers. Based on the overview of the development of land and mortgage register law, with special consideration of its legislative marginalisation in the People's Republic of Poland, conclusions will be drawn as to the current legal position of land and mortgage registers in the context of recognising the vital importance thereof for property law relations.