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Informed by critical theory, this paper focuses on the dialectical interplay between law and economics evident in the practices and policies of the International Labour Organization (ILO). It is argued, first, that governments do not comply with international labour standards because of the inherent weaknesses of the ILO as the source and enforcer of international obligations. Second, the parochial politicization of rights defers to the arrogance of ignorance. Third, developing societies are overwhelmingly preoccupied with socioeconomic development. In exploring the impact of ILO practices on developing societies within the policies of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank (WB), this paper asks the following questions: to what extent does capital form and inform the law in relation to conflicting economic narratives of development and nationhood? How and why does the ILO talk up legal narratives of regulation and contest? How does law hegemonize capital integration? How does law symbolically function to mediate labour relations meanings and manipulate the inaction of civil society? Within the larger structure of "market forces," the commodity of law is a complex form of social communication that diverts attention away from the political impact of predatory economies.

344International organizations — International Tin Council — Rules of procedure — Requirement that Member States keep information pertaining to buffer stock operations confidential — Whether rules binding on delegates of Member States — Cessation of buffer stock operations — Whether rules of procedure concerning confidentiality still binding on Member States and their delegatesEconomics, trade and finance — International commodity markets — Tin — International Tin Council — Buffer stock price stabilization programme — Requirement that Member States keep information regarding programme confidential — Cessation of programme — Whether Member States still prohibited from divulging information regarding programmeRelationship of international law and municipal law — Treaties — Binding nature of treaty obligations — Effect in municipal law — Sixth International Tin Agreement, 1982 — Rules of procedure promulgated pursuant to provisions of Tin Agreement — Rules governing functions of International Tin Council — Requirement that Member States keep information pertaining to Council's buffer stock operations confidential — Cessation by Council of buffer stock operations — Subsequent action against Member State seeking information concerning buffer stock operations — Whether rules of procedure still binding on Member States — Significance of disclosure of information on States' foreign relations — Whether foreign relations considerations taking precedence over need to disclose information in civil proceedings — The law of the Netherlands

A study of the relation of intellectuals to public opinion suggests the outlines of a sociology of the intellectuals as a functioning social group. The libertas philosophandi has long been asserted by the educated elite, and in pre-democratic days the theoretical relation to public opinion was quite clear. Philosophers have had the civil liberty to criticize government, but the same right was not generously extended to the vulgar conscience, or the common men who composed the "open public." Actually, the rise of democracy has not really clarified the issue, though the mass or Gnostic movements of modern times have asserted the right to judge the government, the intellectuals, and any other group that might stand in the way of political victory. The democratic intellectual can hardly say that the revolting mass does not have the right to judge him, but he can and does say that public opinion must be reformed, purified, educated, or directed by the latest in scientific hypothesis. More especially, however, the modern selfconscious intellectuals have directed their fire against other groups or elites who have a following and who in fact provide a pluralistic leadership of public opinion.

In the 4th century B.C. it begins the decline of the Athenian supremacy in Greece derived from the continuous internal fights, the summit of the Persian empire and the military threat of a strong Macedonia led by Filipo II. In this context Demostenes will develop, through its Philippics and Olynthiacs, one of the first public relations campaigns of the antiquity, sustained in the persuasion of the oratory, to report to the public opinion about the danger that the autocratic Macedonian regime was representing by the democracy of Athens. Across a theoretical review based on the use of secondary sources, especially bibliographical, the results of this work demonstrate that the campaign developed by Demóstenes against Filipo II of Macedonia can be considered to be one of the first strategic campaigns of public relations that, with a persuasive purpose, were sustained in the intentional use of the oratory. ; En el siglo IV a. C. comienza el declive de la supremacía ateniense en Grecia derivado de las continuas luchas internas, el auge del imperio persa y la amenaza militar de una Macedonia fuerte conducida por Filipo II. En este contexto Demóstenes desarrollará, a través de sus Filípicas y sus Olínticas, la que puede ser considerada una de las primeras campaña de comunicación y relaciones públicas institucionales de la antigüedad, sustentada en la persuasión de la oratoria, para concienciar a la opinión pública a cerca de los peligros que el régimen autocrático macedonio representaba para los principios democráticos atenienses. A través de una revisión teórica fundamentada en el uso de fuentes secundarias, sobre todo bibliográficas, los resultados de este trabajo demuestran que la campaña desarrollada por Demóstenes contra Filipo II de Macedonia puede ser considerada como una de las primeras campañas estratégicas de relaciones públicas que, con una finalidad persuasiva, se sustentó en el uso intencional de la oratoria.________________________________In the 4th century B.C. it begins the decline of the Athenian supremacy in Greece derived from the continuous internal fights, the summit of the Persian empire and the military threat of a strong Macedonia led by Filipo II. In this context Demostenes will develop, through its Philippics and Olynthiacs, one of the first public relations campaigns of the antiquity, sustained in the persuasion of the oratory, to report to the public opinion about the danger that the autocratic Macedonian regime was representing by the democracy of Athens. Across a theoretical review based on the use of secondary sources, especially bibliographical, the results of this work demonstrate that the campaign developed by Demóstenes against Filipo II of Macedonia can be considered to be one of the first strategic campaigns of public relations that, with a persuasive purpose, were sustained in the intentional use of the oratory.

Сотрудничество в сфере безопасности всегда было важным аспектом отношений между Турцией и США. В годы холодной войны ключевую роль в этом сотрудничестве играло взаимодействие в рамках НАТО. После её окончания начался поиск новой модели отношений в сфере безопасности между двумя странами. Турция и США стали использовать двустороннее сотрудничество в рамках НАТО в целях укрепления своих позиций на мировой арене. Иногда стремление США использовать военные базы в Турции за пределами обязательств по НАТО превращается в источник разногласий и кризисов в отношениях сторон, как это произошло во время интервенции в Ирак в 2003 г. Актуальные вызовы региональной безопасности, особенно на Ближнем Востоке, требуют от Турции и США новых форм взаимодействия. Начало «арабской весны» вызвало в Анкаре и Вашингтоне общую заинтересованность в смене консервативных режимов и продвижении «турецкой модели». Вместе с тем, серьёзные противоречия возникают в связи с борьбой против ИГИЛ. Если США идут на военное сотрудничество с сирийскими курдами, то Анкара считает их связанными с Рабочей партией Курдистана (РПК), которую турецкие власти называют террористической организацией. В основе этих разногласий лежит разное восприятие угроз Турцией и странами Запада. Поиск новой модели сотрудничества в сфере безопасности сохраняет своё значение в отношениях между Турцией и США, несмотря на традиционно высокий уровень антинатовских настроений в турецком обществе. ; Security cooperation has always been an important aspect of the relations between Turkey and the USA. In Cold War era Turkish-American interaction within NATO played a crucial role in this cooperation. After that period the two countries began to search for a new model of their relations. Both Turkey and the USA started to use cooperation within NATO for the purpose of strengthening their global positions. At the same time the USA aspiration to use military bases in Turkey beyond NATO obligations frequently becomes a source of disagreement and crises in the relations of the two countries as it happened during the American intervention to Iraq in 2003. At present new challenges for regional security, especially in the Middle East, demands new forms of interaction between Turkey and the USA. The beginning of "the Arab spring" was met in Ankara and Washington with overlapping interest in changing conservative regimes and promoting "Turkish model". At the same time such questions as participation of Turkey in the fight against ISIL and the USA military cooperation with the Syrian Kurds, whom Ankara considers to be connected with the PKK terrorist organization, has brought serious contradictions between the two countries. The cause of these contradiction is the difference in the perception of threats in Turkey and in the Western countries. While the search for new forms of security cooperation meets with difficulties, NATO remains important for the relations between Turkey and the USA, despite traditionally high level of anti-NATO moods in the Turkish society.

The urgent problem of modern international relations – complex peacekeepingcollective actions in conflct management and prevention including the proliferation of the conflctsand reduction of their negative impact on the separate countries and regions – are examined. Theessence of the types and kinds of peacekeeping operations is examined. Taking into account thatin the modern world there are many long-term and unresolved conflcts and of course they affectboth international relations and the situation in the separate countries and regions, it is importantto examine the value and the effectiveness of peacekeeping operations in modern internationalrelations. The article is aimed to examine the peacekeeping operations in modern internationalrelations. The author considers it appropriate to reveal the essence of peacemaking, types andkinds of peacekeeping operations as well as to examine the history of their conduct and to analyzecurrent international peacekeeping operations to summarize their rating. The essence of classicpeacekeeping operations and of the operations conducted under the auspices of internationalorganizations and separate countries is characterized. International relations and peacekeepingactivities in overcoming of the most dangerous conflcts in Libya and Syria are under consideration.It is proved that during the recent decades a number of comprehensive peace operations havebeen conducted, even with the use of the military component. Peacemaking is always a complexprocess that is associated with the preparation of making an important decision. The use of force orcoercion to peace is not a guarantee of freezing of the armed confrontation and human deaths. Viceversa, one can see on the example of Libya that fistly there was no unity according to the beginningof the military operation among the member countries of NATO. Second, there is still an armedconfrontation in Libya now continues to armed confrontation. Thirdly, the consequence of thedestabilization in the country was an illegal migration to the European Union. The last can affecta crisis in European countries. According to it, one can argue that there are no effective standardsworked out by the international community to settle armed conflcts for now. All this proves acontroversial importance of peacekeeping operations in modern international relations because onone hand they help to create the safer world, on the other hand they resulted in provoking furtherproblems and conflcts ; Рассмотрены миротворческие операции как актуальная проблема совре -менных международных отношений. Охарактеризованы виды и типы миротворческихопераций. Проанализированы наиболее небезопасные и масштабные конфликты современ -ности, такие как ливийский и сирийский. Обобщена эффективность и значение механизмовпо поддержанию мира и безопасности. ; Розглянуто миротворчі операції як актуальну проблему сучасних міжнародних відносин. Охарактеризовано види і типи міжнародних операцій. Проаналізовано найбільш небезпечні та масштабні конфлікти сучасності, такі як лівійський та сирійській. Узагальнено ефективність та значення діяльності світової спільноти з підтримання миру та безпеки

This article for the first time in scholarship surveys the contribution of Iurii Vasil'evich Seleznev of Voronezh State University to the study of Rus'-Tatar relations and the Juchid ulus, called the Golden Horde, during the thirteenth to fifteenth centuries. The article contains analyses of five major monographs written by Seleznev dealing with Rus'-Tatar relations from 1385 to 1434, the composition of the elite of the Juchid ulus, military conflicts between Rus' and the Horde during the thirteenth to fifteenth centuries, (with Andrei Olegovich Amel'kin) the history and historical memory of the battle of Kulikovo Field in 1380, and the role of Rus' princes as members of the Juchid ulus elite. The article identifies the strengths and weaknesses of each monograph. Finally the article attempts for the first time to draw connections among the conclusions of the five monographs. The strength of Seleznev's work are his equal mastery of the societies on both sides of the Rus'-Tatar border. His employs the Rus' sources and Russian translations of oriental sources in new and creative ways to extract hard data on previously unposed questions or on questions which have been previously posed but answered subjectively such as the parameters of Rus' princely trips to the Horde or the frequency of Rus'-Tatar military conflicts. In addition he appreciates the complex evolution of Rus' literary works such as those about the battle of Kulikovo Field in 1380. Seleznev also approaches questions of social history with an open mind inoculated against nationalist prejudices which would reject out of hand any possibility of Tatar influence on the Rus' mentality or society. He is sparing in his use of anachronistic and biased terminology toward the Tatars. The weaknesses of his studies include a lack of familiarity with studies of the Mongol Empire and its successor states other than the Juchid ulus in Western languages which by and large precludes comparative analysis and results in an insular presentation of Rus'-Horde relations in isolation from the parallel experience of other sedentary societies subjected to Mongol rule. He has not himself integrated the results of his separate monographs, for example by addressing the contradiction between what must have been the enormous Rus' expertise about the Horde with the often simplistic pejorative depiction of the Tatars in Rus' sources. Seleznev had not as yet written a comprehensive study of Rus'-Tatar relations which would encompass the totality of Rus'-Tatar interaction, including for example institutional borrowing. Nevertheless the strengths of his research far outweigh the weaknesses. Seleznev's ever-growing body of work makes a significant contribution to increasing historical knowledge of medieval Rus' and the Tatars of the Juchid ulus.

С распадом СССР США остались единственной сверхдержавой в мире. Наряду с позитивным отношением формируется и система критики и предрассудков по отношению к США, названная антиамериканизмом. Она широко распространена в странах мира. В статье рассматривается проблема антиамериканских настроений в Германии после окончания холодной войны. ; After the end of the Cold War, the US remained the only superpower in the world. Along with a positive attitude there is a criticism and prejudice towards the US, called anti-Americanism. There are various definitions of anti-Americanism. The general definition of the term anti-Americanism is the opposition or hostility to policies, culture, society, economy and international role of the United States. Given the fact that the US and Germany are allies and partners in NATO it is not serious to talk about the military and political anti-Americanism. The reason of the German -US relations deterioration in the last few years could be a clash of political cultures, accelerated by active Bush's foreign policy. The approach of his administration was based on the Americanocentrism, i.e., economic and, above all, moral superiority of the United States to any other nation. For a long time, the relations between Germany and the United States were determined exclusively by military and political cooperation. After the USSR collapse and the end of the Cold War confrontation came the new phase for Berlin Washington relations: the search for a new urgent topics that can give an impetus for transatlantic cooperation. Cooperation in the field of environmental protection could be such a topic, but revealed significant differences in the area. In culture, anti-Americanism was grounded on an understanding of the historical cultural superiority of the European countries, including Germany, over the US. At the beginning, brave, active and entrepreneurial people were needed for the North America development, education and a high level of culture were not among the essential qualities. Over time, the US became an economically developed country, the main export product of which is the "American way of life". A breeding ground for anti-Americanism is a cultural conservative-minded part of German society, as a rule, religious and nostalgic about the old days of the German cultural power. The phenomenon of anti-Americanism has a long history and a wide geography. Present in different areas of life, it plays an important role in contemporary international relations. Being a strategic partner and ally of the United States, Germany faces the existence of political, economic and cultural conditions for anti-Americanism growth. Like any other social phenomenon, anti-Americanism is adjusting to the constantly changing demands of modern society and the political agenda.

The most profound change that the United States and China have experienced in their relations over the past 30 years is perhaps the onset of an apparent power transition between the two nations. This potentially titanic change was set in motion as a result of China's genuine and phenomenal economic development, and the impact of this economic success on the United States and the U.S.-led international system has been growing steadily. This perceived power transition process will continue to be a defining factor in U.S.-China relations for the next 30 years. As China's economic, political, cultural, and military influence continue to grow globally, what kind of a global power will China become? What kind of a relationship will evolve between China and the United States? How will the United States maintain its leadership in world affairs and develop a working relationship with China so that China can join hands with the United States to shape the world in constructive ways? In this book, the author offers an engaging discussion of these questions and others. The analysis addresses issues that trouble U.S. as well as Chinese leaders. The author puts the conflicting positions in perspective, most notably presenting the origins of the conflicts, highlighting the conflicting parties' key opposing positions, and pointing out the stalemates. ; "Strategic Studies Institute Book." ; "December 2011." ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Introduction -- The power transition theory -- U.S.-China power transition : from potential to reality -- The future of U.S.-China power transition. ; The most profound change that the United States and China have experienced in their relations over the past 30 years is perhaps the onset of an apparent power transition between the two nations. This potentially titanic change was set in motion as a result of China's genuine and phenomenal economic development, and the impact of this economic success on the United States and the U.S.-led international system has been growing steadily. This perceived power transition process will continue to be a defining factor in U.S.-China relations for the next 30 years. As China's economic, political, cultural, and military influence continue to grow globally, what kind of a global power will China become? What kind of a relationship will evolve between China and the United States? How will the United States maintain its leadership in world affairs and develop a working relationship with China so that China can join hands with the United States to shape the world in constructive ways? In this book, the author offers an engaging discussion of these questions and others. The analysis addresses issues that trouble U.S. as well as Chinese leaders. The author puts the conflicting positions in perspective, most notably presenting the origins of the conflicts, highlighting the conflicting parties' key opposing positions, and pointing out the stalemates. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Germany is one of the key donors when it comes to peace and security initiatives through international organisations such as the United Nations (UN) or the European Union, as well as civil society organisations. Generally, the awareness for an intersectional gender dimension in programmes and projects dealing with peace and security initiatives has increased during the last two decades, also through various funding schemes. By now there exists a relatively comprehensive normative framework around gender, peace and security issues that guides and highlights the different dimensions and entry points to respond to gender specific considerations in peace building, conflict resolution and transitional justice. This paper outlines such framework in relation and relevance to Germany's foreign policy and development cooperation. To better understand the effects and impact of Germany's contribution to the implementation of the women, peace and security agenda on the ground, a total of ten projects funded and supported by ifa's zivik Funding programme have been reviewed to identify good practices and lessons learned.

Germany is one of the key donors when it comes to peace and security initiatives through international organisations such as the United Nations (UN) or the European Union, as well as civil society organisations. Generally, the awareness for an intersectional gender dimension in programmes and projects dealing with peace and security initiatives has increased during the last two decades, also through various funding schemes. By now there exists a relatively comprehensive normative framework around gender, peace and security issues that guides and highlights the different dimensions and entry points to respond to gender specific considerations in peace building, conflict resolution and transitional justice. This paper outlines such framework in relation and relevance to Germany's foreign policy and development cooperation. To better understand the effects and impact of Germany's contribution to the implementation of the women, peace and security agenda on the ground, a total of ten projects funded and supported by ifa's zivik Funding programme have been reviewed to identify good practices and lessons learned.

Türkiye ve Amerika arasındaki iliskiler 1960?larda solcu yazarlar tarafından sorgulanmaya baslamıstır. Bu elestirilerin baslamasında Türk Amerikan iliskilerinde yasanan olumsuzluklar kadar olusan yeni politik kültürün de etkisi olmustur. 1961 Anayasasının getirdigi kısmi özgürlükler sayesinde, Türkiye?nin iç siyasi hayatında yeni bir dönemi açılırken, Türk dıs politikası da sorgulanmaya baslamıstır. Bu elestirilerin baslamasında olusan yeni politik kültürün yanında Türk-Amerikan iliskilerinde yasanan olumsuzlukların da payı olmustur. Sol basında yapılan tartısmalar, genelde Türkiye?nin dıs politikası özelde Türkiye- Amerikan iliskileri konusuna farklı bir bakıs açısı getirmistir. Öyle ki, 10 yıl öncesinde Türkiye-Amerikan iliskilerinin bilinmeyen bir çok yönü açıklıga kavusmus ve geleneksel Türk dıs politikası tartısmaya açılmıstır. Bu dönemde sol akımların gelismesi, Türkiye-Amerika ilisiklerinin sorgulanmasının baslatırken, bu tartısmalar sol grupların iç politikada seslerini daha fazla duyurmalarını saglamıstır. Çünkü sol basında ele alınan konulardan bir çogu Kıbrıs meselesi?nde oldugu gibi Türk halkının milli hassasiyetinin en yogun oldugu konulardı. Bu gruplar Türkiye?nin Amerika?dan baglarını koparmadıkça hiçbir ulusal davasında basarılı olamayacagını savunmuslardır. Solcu yazarlara göre, ikili anlasmalar ve askeri, ekonomik yardımlar Türkiye?nin dıs politikasında hareket özgürlügünü engelliyordu. Askeri üsler ise, Türkiye?yi beklenmedik bir savasın içine sokma tehlikesini tasıyordu. Solcu yazarlar yazılarında, Türk hükümetlerini bu tehlikelere karsı uyarmıslardır. Asırı sol yazarların incelemelerinde Sovyetler Birligi, ABD?ye alternatif olarak görülürken, ılımlı sol yazarlar, Atatürkçü dıs politika yani bütün devletlerle esit mesafede iliskiler kurulması üzerinde yogunlasmıslardır. ; The beginning of very serious critical analysis in various aspects on relations between Turkey and the US was initiated in 1960?s. Thanks to freedoms which 1961 Constitution brought about, a new chapter in Turkish domestic political life has begun and in parallel of this development, Turkish foreign policy has been scrutinized carefully. In this respect, it could be argued that Turkish leftist writers and intellectuals have begun to analyze Turkish stance and her foreign policy regarding the US critically in this period. In the early stage of critically analyzing Turkish-American relations, some negative developments and relatively newly experienced political culture in this relationship had also played very substantial role in the beginning of discussion. The discussion made by the leftist media has led to different point of view on Turkish foreign policy in general and also Turkish-American relations in particular. In such that the some dimensions of Turkish-American relations, which has not been known publicly in that time, have been noticed and in this respect traditional Turkish foreign policy has been debated. In this period, while the development of left currents has initiated the critically study of Turkish-American relations, the discussions on Turkish-American relations has led to greater voice and role by left groups in domestic politics. Because many of the topics such as Cypriot issue, discussed by the left media were top sensitive issues in which Turkish people followed closely. The leftist groups claimed that Turkey could not be successful in any of her national matters as long as she would break off her relations with the U.S. According to leftist writers, mutual agreements and military, economic assistances have hindered Turkey?s freedom of action in her foreign policy. On the other hand American military bases have potentially risked Turkey to take part in any unexpected war. Therefore, leftist writers had warned Turkish government this potential threat in their columns. While ultra leftist writers have had considered SSCB as an alternative power against the U.S in their studies, moderate leftist writers focused on Kemalist foreign policy, which required equal distance to all countries.