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Street-level bureaucracy literature ascertains that policies get made not only in the offices of legislatures or politicians but through the discretion bureaucrats employ in their day-to-day interactions with citizens in government agencies. The discretion bureaucrats use to grant access to public benefits or impose sanctions adds up to what the public ultimately experience as the government and its policies. This perspective, however, overlooks policy-making that gets done in the back offices of government, where there might not be direct interaction with citizens. Furthermore, it treats discretion as inherently anthropogenic and ignores that it is exercised in relation to sociotechnical arrangements of which bureaucrats are a part. In this paper, based on extensive ethnography at national statistical institutes and international statistical meetings across Europe, I make two arguments. The first is that, statisticians emerge as back-office policy-makers as they are compelled to take multiple methodological decisions when operationalizing abstract statistical guidelines and definitions, thus effectively making rather than merely implementing policies. This is the "discretion" they employ, even when they may not interact with citizens. The second argument is that the exercise of discretion is sociotechnical, that is, it happens in relation to the constraints and affordances of technologies and the decisions of other bureaucrats in their institutions and others.

The enlargement of the European Union provides a unique opportunity to study the impact of the lifting of migration restrictions on the migrant sending countries. With EU enlargement in 2004, 1.2 million workers from Eastern Europe emigrated to the UK and Ireland. I use this emigration wave to show that emigration significantly changed the wage distribution in the sending country, in particular between young and old workers. Using a novel dataset from Lithuania, the UK and Ireland for the calibration of a structural model of labor demand, I find that over the period of five years emigration increased the wages of young workers by 6%, while it had no effect on the wages of old workers. Contrary to the immigration literature, there is no significant effect of emigration on the wage distribution between high-skilled and low-skilled workers.

This book analyzes the externalization of the EU's immigration and asylum practices towards non-member transit countries and the consequences of this process. Selected policy areas of externalization (border management, visa policy, readmission agreements and asylum policy) are applied to Turkey and Morocco as two main migration transit countries within two different institutional cooperation mechanisms: Turkey as an EU candidate country within the EU's enlargement policy; Morocco without membership prospect within the EU's neighborhood policy. Yldzapplies theoretical debates and critically compares the rhetoric in policy papers with practice in the field. This volume not only contributes to the issue of the external dimension of EU immigration policy by incorporating transit countries into the debate, but also expands upon our understanding of the EU's contested external governance paradigm. It will be of use to students, scholars, and policy makers in the field of European studies, migration and asylum studies, international relations, and political science.

Chapter 1.Introduction -- Chapter 2. Immigrant integration policies in Europe -- Chapter 3. The European Union framework on immigrant integration -- Chapter 4. Subjective well-being of immigrants in Europe -- Chapter 5. Immigrants' self-reported life satisfaction in Europe -- Chapter 6. Immigrants' subjective well-being in Italy -- Chapter 7. Subjective well-being of children with a migrant background in Italy -- Chapter 8. Conclusions: Policy implications of immigrants' subjective well-being. .

Terminological and Theoretical Considerations of International Student Migration -- Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan in the Post-Soviet Period -- Profiles and Decision-Making of Students and Graduates from Focus Countries -- Source and Host Countries' Policies Towards the Regulation of Tertiary Student Migration.

Official no. : C.E.I.12 ; At head of title : League of Nations. International Labour Office ; Mode of access: Internet.

From the stony streets of Boston to the rail lines of California, from General Relativity to Google, one of the surest truths of our history is the fact that America has been built by immigrants. The phrase itself has become a steadfast campaign line, a motto of optimism and good will, and indeed it is the rallying cry for progressives today who fight against tightening our borders. This is all well and good, Philip Cafaro thinks, for the America of the past--teeming with resources, opportunities, and wide open spaces--but America isn't as young as it used to be, and the fact of the matter is we can't afford to take in millions of people anymore. We've all heard this argument before, and one might think Cafaro is toeing the conservative line, but here's the thing: he's not conservative, not by a long shot. He's as progressive as they come, and it's progressives at whom he aims with this book's startling message: massive immigration simply isn't consistent with progressive ideals. Cafaro roots his argument in human rights, equality, economic security, and environmental sustainability--hallmark progressive values. He shows us the undeniable realities of mass migration to which we have turned a blind eye: how flooded labor markets in sectors such as meatpacking and construction have driven down workers' wages and driven up inequality; how excessive immigration has fostered unsafe working conditions and political disempowerment; how it has stalled our economic maturity by keeping us ever-focused on increasing consumption and growth; and how it has caused our cities and suburbs to sprawl far and wide, destroying natural habitats, driving other species from the landscape, and cutting us off from nature. In response to these hard-hitting truths, Cafaro lays out a comprehensive plan for immigration reform that is squarely in line with progressive political goals. He suggests that we shift enforcement efforts away from border control and toward the employers who knowingly hire illegal workers. He proposes aid and foreign policies that will help people create better lives where they are. And indeed he supports amnesty for those who have, at tremendous risk, already built their lives here. Above all, Cafaro attacks our obsession with endless material growth, offering in its place a mature vision of America, not brimming but balanced, where all the different people who constitute this great nation of immigrants can live sustainably and well, sheltered by a prudence currently in short supply in American politics.

Refugees often find themselves in precarious situations when trying to claim asylum. This paper examines the changing nature of legal advice in Switzerland, where a new law is drastically altering the asylum regime to a more centralized and tightly managed procedure. This reform directly affects the refugee advice community, which sees an increase in state funding opportunities paired with a higher demand for quality standards and 'managerial' practices. These changes reveal frictions between advice organizations and challenge long-standing agreements and collaborations. (Re-)emerging fault lines concern whether to collaborate with or oppose the Swiss asylum regimes, and whether to assist with asylum appeals with low chances of success. Structurally and individually, pre- existing notions of 'good advice' are being challenged and threaten to divide the advice community into political advocates and pragmatic caseworkers. The changing nature of advice thus brings with it both pitfalls and new opportunities that require careful examination.