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Der Anlagenband zum gleichnamigen Projektbericht enthält eine Auswahlbibliographie zum Projektthema. Berücksichtigt wurden sowohl deutsch- als auch fremdsprachige Fachartikel, Beiträge in Sammelbänden, graue Literatur und Fachbücher. Ein Großteil der in der Bibliographie enthaltenen Nachweise ist mit einem Abstract versehen.

One of the most crucial questions posed by German social history after the Second World War is probably the radicalisation process that led the German elites to consent to, participate in and even inspire Nazi politics. ; International audience ; One of the most crucial questions posed by German social history after the Second World War is probably the radicalisation process that led the German elites to consent to, participate in and even inspire Nazi politics. ; L'une des questions les plus cruciales posée par l'histoire sociale allemande après la seconde guerre mondiale est sans doute celle du processus de radicalisation ayant conduit les élites allemandes à consentir à la politique nazie, à y participer, voire à l'inspirer.

AbstractStandards, indicators, and benchmarks are well-studied instruments of global governance. What has received less attention so far is the trend toward the standardization of governance itself. Catalogs of "good governance" are drawn up for universal use and promise to optimize the processes of governance. International organizations, development agencies, and academics compile such catalogs to make the quality of governance measurable, comparable, and "rankable." Good governance standards have attracted sustained criticism. They project normative concepts from the West, where they are usually formulated, to other parts of the world. As societies and cultures are not standardized, it is problematic to expect standardized tools to have uniform and beneficial effects regardless of local context. Good governance as a ready-made toolbox also is at odds with the very ideal of democracy as self-determination. On the other hand, good governance standards can have empowering effects when they enable societal actors to challenge oppression, corruption, or violations of human rights. How can we make sense of this ambivalence? In this article, we argue that the contested standardization of governance, with all its ambivalences, represents one of the typical reflexive loops that characterize the radicalization of the modernization process that sociologist Ulrich Beck described. Standardization, as a practice of modernity, has become highly self-reflexive and the debates over good governance catalogs show how, in modern functionally complex societies, different ideals of modernity can be at odds with each other.Les normes, indicateurs et points de repère sont des instruments bien étudiés de la gouvernance mondiale. Mais la tendance à la normalisation de la gouvernance a jusqu'ici bénéficié de moins d'attention. Des catalogues de « bonne gouvernance » sont élaborés pour une utilisation universelle et promettent d'optimiser les processus de gouvernance. Des organisations internationales, des agences de développement et des universitaires compilent de tels catalogues pour rendre la qualité de la gouvernance mesurable, comparable et « classable ». Les normes de bonne gouvernance se sont attirées des critiques soutenues. Elles projettent des concepts normatifs de l'occident, où ils sont généralement formulés, vers d'autres parties du monde. Étant donné que les sociétés et les cultures ne sont pas standardisées, il est problématique de s'attendre à ce que des outils normalisés aient des effets uniformes et bénéfiques quel que soit le contexte local. La bonne gouvernance en tant que boîte à outils toute prête est également en contradiction avec l'idéal même de la démocratie qu'est l'autodétermination. Par contre, les normes de bonne gouvernance peuvent avoir des effets autonomisants lorsqu'elles permettent à des acteurs sociétaux de remettre en question l'oppression, la corruption ou des violations des droits de l'homme. Comment pouvons-nous comprendre cette ambivalence? Dans cet article, nous soutenons que la normalisation contestée de la gouvernance, avec toutes ses ambivalences, représente l'une des boucles réflexives typiques qui caractérisent la radicalisation du processus de modernisation décrite par le sociologue Ulrich Beck. La normalisation, en tant que pratique de modernité, est devenue très auto-réflexive et les débats sur les catalogues de bonne gouvernance montrent comment différents idéaux de modernité peuvent être en contradiction dans des sociétés modernes fonctionnellement complexes.Los estándares, indicadores y análisis comparativos son instrumentos ampliamente estudiados de la gobernanza mundial. Lo que ha recibido menos atención hasta ahora es la tendencia hacia la estandarización de la propia gobernanza. Se elaboran catálogos de "buena gobernanza" para uso universal, con la promesa de optimizar los procesos de gobernanza. Las organizaciones internacionales, las agencias de desarrollo y los académicos compilan dichos catálogos para que la calidad de la gobernanza sea medible, comparable y "clasificable." Los estándares de buena gobernanza han sido objeto de críticas continuas. Proyectan conceptos normativos desde Occidente, donde suelen formularse, hacia otras partes del mundo. Como las sociedades y culturas no están estandarizadas, es problemático pretender que las herramientas estandarizadas tengan efectos uniformes y beneficiosos con independencia del contexto local. El concepto de buena gobernanza como recurso preestablecido también se contradice con el propio ideal de la democracia como autodeterminación. Por otro lado, los estándares de buena gobernanza pueden tener efectos de empoderamiento cuando permiten que los actores sociales cuestionen la opresión, la corrupción o las violaciones de los derechos humanos. ¿Cómo podemos entender esta ambivalencia? En este artículo, sostenemos que la controvertida estandarización de la gobernanza, con todas sus ambivalencias, representa uno de los típicos bucles reflexivos que caracterizan la radicalización del proceso de modernización que describió el sociólogo Ulrich Beck. La estandarización como práctica de la modernidad se ha vuelto sumamente autorreflexiva, al tiempo que los debates sobre los catálogos de buena gobernanza muestran las maneras en que los diferentes ideales de la modernidad pueden estar en contradicción dentro del marco de las sociedades modernas funcionalmente complejas.

AbstractThe growing literature on desertion from insurgent groups focuses almost exclusively on male deserters, with few comparisons to combatants who choose to stay and little consideration of women combatants or the gendered norms and narratives that restrict combatants' options. As governments increasingly emphasize "counter-narratives" to prevent radicalization and encourage disengagement from non-state armed groups, there is insufficient empirical evidence on how such framing contests between governments and insurgents might affect how recruits calculate their options. With "deradicalization" programs proliferating globally, and disarmament, disengagement, and reintegration (DDR) programs continuing to perpetuate gender stereotypes, it is critical to examine why some men and women disengage from violence while others stay, how they evaluate these decisions, and how gendered norms affect these decisions. Based on over 100 interviews with men and women ex-combatants across seven departments of Colombia, this article examines the effects of framing contests between the FARC guerrillas and the Colombian government, in which gender norms and gendered power dynamics play key roles. This paper argues that these gendered framing contests are critical to individual combatants' disengagement decisions and, in particular, influence how women combatants perceive their alternatives and manage their exit pathways out of non-state armed groups.Las crecientes publicaciones sobre la deserción de combatientes de los grupos rebeldes se centran casi exclusivamente en los desertores hombres, con pocas comparaciones con los combatientes que deciden quedarse y poca consideración de las combatientes mujeres o la influencia del género en las normas y la narrativa que restringen las opciones de los combatientes. A medida que los gobiernos hacen cada vez más hincapié en las "contranarrativas" para evitar la radicalización y fomentar la desmovilización de los grupos armados no estatales, no hay pruebas empíricas suficientes sobre cómo dichas disputas de estructuración entre los gobiernos y los rebeldes podrían afectar la manera en que los reclutas determinan sus opciones. Con la proliferación de programas de "desradicalización" en todo el mundo, y dado que las iniciativas de desarme, desmovilización y reintegración (Disarmament, Disengagement, and Reintegration, DDR) siguen perpetuando los estereotipos de género, es fundamental analizar por qué algunos hombres y mujeres se desvinculan de la violencia mientras que otros no, cómo evalúan estas decisiones y de qué manera las normas en función del género influyen en estas determinaciones. A partir de más de 100 entrevistas a hombres y mujeres excombatientes en siete departamentos de Colombia, este artículo analiza los efectos de las disputas de estructuración entre la guerrilla de las FARC y el gobierno colombiano, donde las normas y las dinámicas del poder en función del género juegan un papel clave. En este documento, se sostiene que dichas disputas de estructuración influenciadas por el género son fundamentales para las decisiones de desmovilización de los combatientes y, en especial, influyen en la manera en que las combatientes mujeres perciben sus alternativas y gestionan sus vías de escape de los grupos armados no estatales.La littérature croissante portant sur la désertion des groupes d'insurgés se concentre presque exclusivement sur les hommes déserteurs, avec peu de comparaisons avec les combattants qui choisissent de rester et peu de considération pour les femmes combattantes ou les normes et récits sexospécifiques qui limitent le panel de combattants abordés. Alors que les gouvernements mettent de plus en plus l'accent sur les « contre-récits » pour prévenir la radicalisation et encourager le désengagement des groupes armés non étatiques, les preuves empiriques de la mesure dans laquelle un tel cadrage des conflits entre gouvernements et insurgés pourrait affecter la façon dont les recrues calculent leurs options sont insuffisantes. Tandis que les programmes de « déradicalisation » prolifèrent dans le monde entier et que les programmes de désarmement, de désengagement et de réintégration continuent à perpétuer les stéréotypes de genre, il est essentiel d'étudier les raisons pour lesquelles certains hommes et certaines femmes se désengagent de la violence contrairement à d'autres, les facteurs que ces personnes prennent en compte dans leur décision, et la manière dont les normes sexospécifiques affectent ces décisions. Cet article s'appuie sur plus de 100 entretiens avec des hommes et femmes ayant précédemment combattu dans sept départements de Colombie pour analyser les effets du cadrage des conflits entre les insurgés des FARC et le gouvernement colombien, dans lesquels les normes de genre et les dynamiques de pouvoir liées au genre jouent des rôles clés. Il soutient que ce cadrage sexospécifique des conflits est essentiel aux décisions de désengagement des combattants individuels, en particulier pour influencer la manière dont les combattantes perçoivent leurs alternatives et gèrent leurs voies de sortie des groupes armés non-étatiques.

Der Justizvollzug sieht sich zunehmenden Herausforderungen gegenüber. So verändert sich einerseits ihre Klientel in Richtung eines multikulturellen Schmelztiegels, was neue Phänomene mit sich bringt, wie z. B. Radikalisierungsprozesse oder kriminogene und organisierte Clanstrukturen. Es findet sich aber auch eine wachsende Kerngruppe im Vollzug gealterter Menschen mit vielfach gescheiterten Behandlungsversuchen, langer Haftsozialisation, oft psychopathologischer Vorbelastung und mit ungünstiger Entlassungsperspektive. Auf der anderen Seite erteilten die Bundesländer den Anstalten zunehmend den Auftrag, ihre Ressourcen verstärkt auf kriminogene Hochrisikogruppen zu fokussieren, und der Bundesgesetzgeber legte ihnen überdies besondere Behandlungspflichten für Sicherungsverwahrte und für die von dieser Maßregel bedrohte Gruppe von Gefangenen auf. Es mehren sich die Indizien, dass die Gefängnisse mit ihren traditionellen Mitteln bei der Bewältigung dieser Aufgaben an Grenzen stoßen. Anliegen des vorliegenden Beitrags ist es deshalb, dafür zu werben, die traditionellen Mittel einer primär erzieherisch und therapeutisch gedachten Intervention auszuweiten und in Richtung einer stärker grundsätzlichen Betrachtung der Voraussetzungen und Prozesse für Veränderungen in dieser speziellen Institution zu erweitern. Nach Überzeugung der Autoren bietet hierfür die Entwicklungspsychologie gute Voraussetzungen und ein passendes methodisches und theoretisches Rüstzeug. Im Beitrag wird deshalb der Justizvollzug zunächst historisch analysiert und sein Auftrag zur Resozialisierung seiner Klientel als Auftrag zur Entwicklungsintervention interpretiert. Dies bietet die Argumentationsgrundlage dafür, eine entwicklungspsychologische Perspektive auf Veränderungsprozesse der Gefangenen einzunehmen, wobei es nicht um eine spezielle Entwicklungspsychologie des Strafvollzuges und ihrer Klientel geht, sondern vielmehr um eine entwicklungspsychologisch fundierte Betrachtung; mithin um eine Entwicklungspsychologie im Strafvollzug. Im zweiten Teil wird der Versuch unternommen, den Rahmen für eine mögliche entwicklungspsychologische Analyse des Justizvollzuges und seiner Klientel zu entwerfen. Dabei wird davon ausgegangen, dass sich Veränderung entlang der Beschäftigung des Individuums mit Problemen vollzieht, die sich ihm im Lauf seiner Biografie stellen. Deshalb werden zunächst typische Aufgaben betrachtet, mit denen ein Mensch im Lauf seines Lebens konfrontiert wird, mit Blick auf etwaige Besonderheiten einer straffälligen Personengruppe. Weiterhin werden außergewöhnliche, "kritische" Lebensereignisse untersucht, die wegen ihrer Setzung veränderter Rahmenbedingungen Veränderungserfordernisse bedingen. Dabei wird argumentiert, dass die spezielle Klientel im Kontext einer Haftanstalt vermehrte Risiken solcher kritischen Lebensereignisse birgt. Schließlich werden Probleme aus einer aktionalen Entwicklungsperspektive, insbesondere selbst gesetzter Lebensziele, analysiert. Dabei werden die Prozesse, mit denen Menschen auf solche Herausforderungen reagieren, einer näheren Betrachtung unterzogen. Auch hier wird deutlich, dass die erforderlichen Regulationsprozesse bei einer strafgefangenen Population Besonderheiten erwarten lassen, die, zu untersuchen, lohnenswert zu sein verspricht. Schließlich wird der Strafvollzug als Raum, in dem sich Veränderungsprozesse vollziehen sollen, einer entwicklungspsychologisch informierten Analyse unterzogen. Es zeigt sich, dass eine entwicklungspsychologische Erweiterung der Perspektive auf den Justizvollzug in Praxis und Forschung Potenziale bereithält, zu einer Verbreiterung der Möglichkeiten erfolgversprechender Interventionen beizutragen. ; The penal system is facing increasing challenges. On the one hand, the clientele is changing in the direction of a multicultural melting pot accompanied by new phenomena, such as radicalization processes and organized clan structures. Furthermore, there is an increasing group of inmates who have grown old in prison and are characterized by many failed attempts at treatment, long periods of imprisonment, often psychopathological disorders and unfavorable perspectives for release. On the other hand, the federal states in Germany have increasingly mandated the institutions to focus the resources on criminogenic high-risk groups. In addition, the federal legislature imposed on them special treatment tasks for preventive detention centers and for the group of prisoners threatened by this measure. There is growing evidence that prisons are reaching their limits in coping with these challenges with their traditional means. The aim of this article is therefore to promote the expansion of the traditional means of intervention primarily intended for educational and therapeutic purposes, with which the resocialization mandate to the penal system has been implemented so far. Another aim is to expand them in the direction of a more fundamental consideration of the prerequisites and processes for changes in correctional institutions. The authors are convinced that developmental psychology offers promising prerequisites and appropriate methodological and theoretical tools. In the article the prison system is first analyzed historically and its mandate to resocialize the clientele is interpreted as a mandate for developmental intervention. This provides the basis for the argumentation to take a developmentally psychologically sound perspective on the processes of change of prisoners in prison. This does not entail a particular developmental psychology of the prison system itself but rather of a developmentally psychologically informed consideration and thus of a developmental psychology within the prison system. In the second part an attempt is made to design the framework for a possible developmental psychological analysis of the prison system and its clientele. It is assumed that change, i.e. development, takes place along the individual's responses to and coping with problems that a person faces in the course of the biography. For this reason, typical tasks with which a person is confronted in the course of life are first considered, albeit with a view to special features of a target group of criminal offenders. Furthermore, extraordinary "critical" life events are examined, which cause the requirement for change due to their altering of basic conditions for the individual's development. It is argued that the special clientele in the special context of a prison holds increased risks of such critical life events. Finally, problems are analyzed from an actional perspective on human development in general and the perspective of self-selected life goals in particular. When the processes which regulate peoples' responses to their developmental tasks and challenges are examined, it can be seen that the necessary regulation processes within a prison population can be expected to have special characteristics that are worth investigating from a developmental psychological perspective. Finally, the penal system as a space in which processes of change are to take place is analyzed from a developmental psychological perspective. It is argued that broadening the perspective on prisons in practice and research towards a developmental psychological angle has the potential to contribute to a broadening of the possibilities of promising interventions within prison.

The article is devoted to the crisis of social democratic movements in Western Europe in the XXI century. Emphasis is placed on the evolution of the Social Democratic Party of Austria. Of great importance are the developments of such scientists who dealt with this problem, as K. Kholodkovsky, N. Rabotyazhev, A. Vilkov, G. Nidermyulbihler, G. Sidl, G. Moschonas. The structure of the article is as follows. The first part shows a tendency to reduce electoral support for socialist and social democratic parties in countries such as France, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Germany, Sweden, Austria and Greece. The general causes of the crisis of the Social Democrats are highlighted. Firstly, in the conditions of depopulation of the population and globalization of production, the working class is being eroded, conditions which supported decades social democrats across the whole Europe disappear. Secondly, social democrats, addressing target audience ceased to consider its specifics. Thirdly, owing to the crisis phenomena in the EU, migration crisis, deepening of inequality there is a radicalization as right and left electorate.The analysis of researches of the Austrian Institute of social researches and consulting of SORA indicates that the Social Democratic Party of Austria has ceased to be a «party of workers», its support base is currently voting more for the Austrian Freedom Party. Also the analysis of flows of voters between parliamentary parties (NET) of the last four electoral cycles in Austria states a steady trend of transition of bigger number of votes from social democrats to the right populists.In the second part in a chronological order four stages of modernization of ideology and complex organizational reform of the Social Democratic Party of Austria which captured the period from May, 2014 to November, 2018 are allocated and analysed. The main provisions of the new political program of the party, in which the Social Democratic Party of Austria offers voters their vision of solving the problems of the 21st century, as well as the structure and important points of the new organizational Statute, are considered. The key points of the new program are the digital revolution, the fair distribution of work and working time, resources and opportunities, as well as education, social security, a dignified old age, the expansion of non-commercial housing construction, forced migration, environmental problems, in particular global warming. Important points of the new Statute include the strengthening of the role of ordinary members of the party, the possibility of obtaining guest member status for one year with the right to become a permanent member of the party, the expansion of thematic and project initiatives.In conclusions major factors which acted as the trigger to fundamental updating of the Social Democratic Party of Austria, feature of this process are allocated. Results of a research can have a certain value for the scientists researching the social democratic movement and also subjects of party and political life. ; Статья посвящена кризису социал-демократических движений в Западной Европе в ХХІ в. Акцентировано внимание на эволюции Социал-демократической партии Австрии. Установлен основной круг авторов, которые занимались данной проблематикой. Исследование условно разделено на две части. В первой части показана тенденция снижения электоральной поддержки социалистических и социал-демократических партий Западной Европы, в том числе и в Австрии. Выделяются общие причины кризиса социал-демократов, специфика потери голосов Социал-демократической партии Австрии. Эмпирическую основу данной части статьи составляет официальная электоральная статистика и некоторые результаты исследований австрийского Института социальных исследований и консалтинга SORA. Во второй части в хронологическом порядке выделены и проанализированы этапы модернизации идеологии и комплексной организационной реформы Социал-демократической партии Австрии. Рассмотрены основные положения новой политической программы партии, структура и важные моменты нового организационного Устава. Выяснены основные факторы, которые выступили триггером к фундаментальному обновлению Социал-демократической партии Австрии, особенности данного процесса. Результаты исследования могут иметь определенную ценность для ученых, занимающихся исследованием социал-демократического движения, а также субъектов партийно-политической жизни. ; Стаття присвячена кризі соціал-демократичних рухів в Західній Європі в ХХІ ст. Акцентовано увагу на еволюції Соціал-демократичної партії Австрії. Встановлено основне коло авторів, які займалися даною проблематикою. Дослідження умовно розділене на дві частини.У першій частині показана тенденція зниження електоральної підтримки соціалістичних і соціал-демократичних партій Західної Європи, в тому числі і в Австрії. Виділяються загальні причини кризи соціал-демократів, специфіка втрати голосів Соціал-демократичної партії Австрії. Емпіричну основу даної частини статті становить офіційна електоральна статистика і деякі результати досліджень австрійського Інституту соціальних досліджень і консалтингу SORA. У другій частині в хронологічному порядку виділено і проаналізовано етапи модернізації ідеології і комплексної організаційної реформи Соціал-демократичної партії Австрії. Розглянуто основні положення нової політичної програми партії, структура і важливі моменти нового організаційного Статуту.З'ясовано основні чинники, які виступили тригером до фундаментального оновлення Соціал-демократичної партії Австрії, особливості даного процесу. Результати дослідження можуть мати певну цінність для вчених, що займаються дослідженням соціал-демократичного руху, а також суб'єктів партійно-політичного життя.

Сьогодні у сучасному суспільстві виникла нагальна потреба перегляду традиційних механізмів гарантування його безпечного функціонування та розвитку, що базуються на пріоритетах захисту національної безпеки. Причиною тому є зростання темпів економічної глобалізації, деформація міжнародного права, неспроможність владних органів окремої держави самотужки забезпечувати належний рівень захищеності громадян, активізація інститутів громадянського суспільства, зростання ролі громадських організацій у міжнародній політиці й т. ін. У статті здійснено порівняльний аналіз традиційних та нових (критичних) парадигм безпеки життєдіяльності у сучасній соціології. Визначено сутність розуміння безпеки, представлене у теоріях самореферентних систем Н. Лумана, суспільства ризику У. Бека, онтологічної безпеки Е. Гідденса, соціальних змін П. Штомпки, інформаційного суспільства Е. Тоффлера, антропології безпеки М. Дугласа, побудови соціального простору М. Кастельса, комунікативної дії Ю. Хабермаса та ін. Схарактеризовано сутність критичних парадигм безпеки життєдіяльності (постпозитивізм К. Поппера, І. Лакатоса, П. Фейерабенда, Р. Арре, теорія сек'юритизації О. Вейвера, Б. Бузана, Дж. Вільде, теорія емансипації К. Бута, постструктуралізм Р. Уолкера, теорія інсек'юритизації Д. Біго). Окреслено можливі перспективи розвитку соціології безпеки життєдіяльності на сучасному етапі її інституалізації за рахунок розширення означень предметної галузі, змістовного наповнення сфери досліджень. ; In modern society there is a necessity to revise the traditional mechanisms, ensuring its safe functioning and development and which are based on the priorities of the national security. The main reasons of this are the large-scale emergence of new hazards, in particular, the deepening of the economic globalization, the deformation of the international law, the failure of the authorities of individual States to provide an adequate level of citizens' protection, civil society strengthening, increase of the role of public organizations in international politics, etc. A review of traditional sociological health and safety paradigms of the second half of the XX – beginning of the XXI century has been presented in the article (the theory of self-referental systems by N. Luhmann, the concept of risk society by U. Beck, the theory of the ontological security by A. Giddens, the theory of social changes by P. Sztompka, the concept of the information society by A. Toffler, the anthropological theory of security by M. Douglas, the theory of social space by M. Castells, the theory of communicative action by J. Habermas). The essence of critical theory (post-positivism by K. Popper, I. Lakatos, P. Feyerabend, G. Arrah, the theory of securitization by B. Buzan, O. Waver, J. Wilde, the theory of emancipation by K. Booth, post-structuralism by R. B. J. Walker, the theory of insecurities by D. Bigo) have also been examined in the contradiction to realist theories, in which the state is the dominant subject of the security. A range of issues, relevant to the development theories and practices of the sociology of safety as a branch of the sociological theory have been studied, in particular, dichroism of the social space, the lack of temporal integrity, a variety of risks and crises of modern social development, the erosion of national boundaries, the formation of a new social space, the proliferation of different kinds of destructive deviance as forms of protective group and individual behavior, non-linearity and the radicalization of social and cultural change, growing social tension in key systems of social relations.Possible future development of the sociology of vital activity's safety at the present stage of institutionalization has been outlined by the expansion of definitions of the subject area (explanation of the connections on micro-, macro- and meso-level of the security's existence) in the context of the sector studies (in particular, by examination of social practices of perception of risks, threats, dangers, social actors (social groups, communities, social movements, regional society, ethnic group, nation, etc.), as well as the evaluation of the potential for their activities to forecast the negative consequences of hazards). ; В современном обществе назрела необходимость пересмотра традиционных механизмов гарантирования его безопасного функционирования и развития, основанных на приоритетах национальной безопасности. Основными причинами этого является масштабное появление новых опасностей, в частности, рост темпов экономической глобализации, деформация международного права, несостоятельность властных органов отдельного государства самостоятельно обеспечивать должный уровень защищенности граждан, активизация институтов гражданского общества, рост роли общественных организаций в международной политике и т. д. В статье представлен обзор традиционных социологических парадигм безопасности жизнедеятельности второй половины ХХ – начала ХХІ в. (теория самореферентных систем Н. Лумана, концепция общества риска У. Бека, теория онтологической безопасности Е. Гидденса, теория социальных изменений П. Штомпки, концепция информационного общества Е. Тоффлера, антропологическая теория безопасности М. Дугласа, теория построения социального пространства М. Кастельса, теория коммуникативного действия Ю. Хабермаса). Также проанализирована сущность критических теорий (постпозитивизм К. Поппера, И. Лакатоса, П. Фейерабенда, Р. Арре, теория секьюритизации В. Вейвера, Б. Бузана, Дж. Вильде, теория эмансипации К. Бута, постструктурализм Р. Уолкера, теория инсекьюритизации Д. Биго). Очерчены возможные перспективы развития социологии безопасности жизнедеятельности на современном этапе ее институционализации, связанные с расширением предметной области, наполнением сферы исследований.

Cultures of Resistance provides new insight on a long-standing question: whether government efforts to repress social movements produce a chilling effect on dissent, or backfire and spur greater mobilization. In recent decades, the U.S. government's repressive capacity has expanded dramatically, as the legal, technological, and bureaucratic tools wielded by agents of the state have become increasingly powerful. Today, more than ever, it is critical to understand how repression impacts the freedom to dissent and collectively express political grievances. Through analysis of activists' rich and often deeply moving experiences of repression and resistance, the book uncovers key group processes that shape how individuals understand, experience, and weigh these risks of participating in collective action. Qualitative and quantitative analyses demonstrate that, following experiences of state repression, the achievement or breakdown of these group processes, not the type or severity of repression experienced, best explain why some individuals persist while others disengage. In doing so, the book bridges prevailing theoretical divides in social movement research by illuminating how individual rationality is collectively constructed, mediated, and obscured by protest group culture

Following the new historiographical path focused on the urban dimension of the armed struggle, this research analyses the milieus and the forms of the political extremism in Rome after '68. By an interdisciplinary approach – which integrates the contribution of philosophy, of urban studies, of sociology, of urban geography, of political sciences – this study rebuilt the relation between urban territory and the implementation of a subversive violence, often lethal and terrorist, in the context of the national modernization activated by the "economic boom" (1958-1963) and of the "cold war" dynamics. A special attention is payed to the apprehension of the ideological and cultural evolutions - grown inside the "urban crisis" which affects the critical development of Rome in the post-war period – that transformed the biggest Italian metropolis in a perfect ecosystem for this extreme conflict, far beyond the only effects of the geopolitical (European crisis of the Atlanticism) and socio-economic factors (explosion of the social struggles claiming the fruition of goods and services created by for consumerist modernity). This study went back to the basic divisions of the structure, the society and the environment of Rome: the fundamental cleavages, appeared at the beginning of the republican time (1946), over which, after the "economic boom", a process of radicalization (due to the growing of the social struggles in the fields of the local community, work, school and the University, generated by a brutal and unbalanced modernization of the town) is established. Our research, so showed that the various "experiments of antagonism" matured within this vast social protest, were used finally as incubators where part of the roman extremist militancy, resulting from the end of '68 mobilization, was initiated with various subversive practices (in particular, the repertoires of the mass illegality and of the clandestine guerrilla). Considering of all these levels and these dimensions highlighted the characteristics of the political violence deployed in Rome after '68, while allotting the right proportion to the "weight" of the capital of Italy in the national deployment of the "strategy of the tension" (1969-1974) and the "years of lead" (1975-1982). This research thus strives to reconstruct a comprehensive historical framework, putting of diachronic connection the facts and the dynamic of the metropolis (social economic, cultural, ideological, political and urban factors) with the State system based in Rome – characterized by the pressures of the "iron curtain", the heavy after-effects of the fascist dictatorship and the civil war (1943-1945), the governmental frailty and the lack of national cohesion – along the years of modernization and of the entry in the age of abundance for Italy. ; En s'inscrivant dans le récent sillage historiographique consacré à la dimension métropolitaine de la conflictualité armée, cette recherche a analysé les milieux et les formes urbaines de l'extrémisme à Rome dans l'après-68. Par une approche interdisciplinaire - qui a intégré l'apport de la philosophie, de l'urbanisme, de la sociologie, de la géographie urbaine, des sciences politiques - cette étude a reconstruit la relation entre le territoire urbain et la mise en œuvre d'une violence subversive, souvent à caractère meurtrier et terroriste, dans le cadre de la modernisation nationale activée par le "boom économique" (1958-1963) et des dynamiques propres à la « guerre froide ».On a porté une attention particulière à l'appréhension des processus de transformation idéologique et culturelle, mûris au sein de la « crise urbaine » affectant le mauvais et difficile développement de Rome dans l'après-guerre, qui ont permis à la première métropole italienne de devenir l'écosystème unique et catalyseur de cette conflictualité extrême, au-delà des simples facteurs géopolitiques (crise européenne de l'idée d'atlantisme) et socio-économique (explosion des luttes sociales pour la revendication de biens et services propres à la modernité consumériste).Cette étude est remontée aux facteurs de division caractérisant la structure, le tissu et l'ambiance de Rome. Il s'agit des clivages fondamentaux, en place dès le début de l'époque républicaine (1946), sur lesquels s'implantent ensuite, au lendemain du boom économique, les processus de radicalisation qui accompagnent les multiples luttes revendicatives - dans les domaines du quartier, du travail, des écoles et de l'Université - engendrées par une modernisation de la capitale brutale et déséquilibrée. Notre recherche a, de ce fait, démontré que les différentes « expériences d'antagonisme » muries au sein de cette vaste contestation sociale, ont servi finalement d'incubateurs où une partie de la militance extraparlementaire romaine, issue de la mobilisation soixante-huitarde, s'est initiée à différentes pratiques subversives (notamment les répertoires de l'illégalité de masse et de la guérilla clandestine).La prise en compte de tous ces niveaux et ces dimensions a fait ressortir les particularités de la violence politique déployée à Rome dans l'après-68, tout en attribuant la juste proportion au « poids » de la capitale d'Italie dans le déploiement à l'échelle nationale de la « stratégie de la tension » (1969-1974) et des « années de plomb » (1975-1982).Cette recherche s'est donc engagée dans la reconstruction d'un cadre historique global, mettant en connexion diachronique les faits et les dynamiques internes à la ville (d'ordre social, économique, culturel, idéologique, politique et urbanistique) avec le système étatique centré à Rome – marqué par les pressions du « rideau de fer », les lourdes séquelles de la dictature fasciste et de la guerre civile, la fragilité gouvernementale et le manque de cohésion nationale – le long des années de la modernisation et de l'entrée dans la société d'abondance en Italie.

Since its establishment throughout the critical period of Lebanese Civil War (1975-1990) in the Middle East, Hezbollah has performed as both a powerful player within the Lebanese political system and a key regional non-state actor that received considerable international attention. Hezbollah as a Shi'a militia has a history of numerous struggles with Israel. It carries a strong and enduring alliance with the Iranian regime through its constructed Shi'a revolutionary identity. In fact, there is undeniable importance within the International Relations (IR) discipline in thinking about religious incentives and leadership in shaping the political identity of this non-state actor's in the Middle East. On the other hand, there are little works to suggest that religious incentives for creating political movements are acting as a systematized and documented instrument of the foreign policy of a state. This is the reason for the current study to scrutinize the complex mechanism that Shi'a Islamic tradition, led by Iranian religious leaders in influencing their sympathizers across the region. This study shows how Iran tries to gain stronger partnership with political movements - in the form of a non-state actor especially Hezbollah - to support its revolutionary agenda against the hegemony of the United States in the Middle East. Despite the fact that religious identity construction through Islamic traditions and teachings are neglected in theorizing in the IR discipline, social constructivism as the theoretical approach is progressively being employed in this study by focusing on formation and exchanges of collective borderless identity phenomena such that could be observed in the construction and expansion of Shi'a revolutionary identity in the Middle East by Iran after the 1979 Islamic Revolution. ; ACCEPTANCE AND APPROVAL i YAYIMLAMA VE FİKRİ MÜLKİYET HAKLARI BEYANI ii ETİK BEYAN iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENT iv ABSTRACT v ÖZET vi TABLE OF CONTENT vii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS x INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER 1: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 7 1.1. INTRODUCTION 7 1.2. ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK OF SOCIAL CONSTRUCTIVISM 9 1.1.1. Theoretical Arguments on "Identity" 10 1.1.2. Constructivism as an IR Theoretical Approach 11 1.2. EVOLUTION OF THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTIVISM 12 1.2.1. Explanation of the Identity Formation Process 13 1.3. IDENTITY AS A POLITICAL INSTRUMENT 14 1.3.1. Construction of Collective Identity 15 1.3.2. Response of Constructivism to Social Identity Formation 16 1.4. CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF COLLECTIVE IDENTITY FORMATION PROCESS 17 1.5. COLLECTIVE IDENTITY FORMATION AND POLITICAL MOVEMENTS 19 1.6. RELIGIOUS IDENTITY CONSTRUCTION AND SOCIOPOLITICAL ORIENTATIONS 22 1.6.1. Self-Identity Concept in Religion 23 1.6.2. Radicalization and Self-Identity 25 1.6.3. Identity Struggle in the Islamic World 26 1.7. CONSTRUCTION OF SHI'A POLITICAL IDENTITY IN THE MIDDLE EAST 27 1.7.1. Hezbollah's Identity as a Non-State Actor 27 1.7.2. "Islamic Shari'a" and Collective Shi'a Identity 28 1.8. CONSTRUCTION OF HEZBOLLAH'S IDENTITY 29 1.8.1. Role of Iran in Construction of Hezbollah's Revolutionary Identity 30 1.8.2 Construction of Transnational Shi'a Identity 31 1.9. CONCLUSION 33 CHAPTER 2: A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORICAL ANALYSIS OF FORMATION OF HEZBOLLAH'S IDENTITY AS A SHIA MILITIA IN LEBANON 38 2.1. INTRODUCTION 38 2.2. LEBANON AND ITS HISTORICAL POLITICAL STRUCTURE 41 2.3. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF THE SHI'A MOVEMENTS IN LEBANON 45 2.4. POLITICAL IDENTITY OF THE SHI'A COMMUNITY IN LEBANON 49 2.5. SHI'A MOVEMENTS IN LEBANON 52 2.6. BIRTH OF HEZBOLLAH 55 2.6.1 Constructing Leadership within Hezbollah's Structure 57 2.6.2 Role of external players in Hezbollah's Revolutionary Identity 58 2.7. HEZBOLLAH'S IDENTITY 59 2.7.1. Hezbollah as A Terrorist Organization for The West 63 2.7.2. Hezbollah's as A Resistance Movement for Shi'as 65 2.8. CONCLUSION 67 CHAPTER 3: IMPACTS OF IRANIAN POLITICAL SYSTEM ON HEZBOLLAH'S REVOLUTIONARY IDENTITY 72 3.1. INTRODUCTION 72 3.1.1 Concept of Unity in Shi'ism 73 3.1.2. Revolutionary Political Identity as instrument for Influence 74 3.2. RELIGION AS INSTRUMENT OF IRAN TO BUILD REGIONAL SYMPATHIZERS 76 3.3. IRAN AND CONSTRUCTION OF HEZBOLLAH'S SHI'A REVOLUTIONARY IDENTITY 79 3.4. CHANGES IN FOREIGN POLICY DIRECTION OF IRAN IN THE MIDDLE EAST 82 3.4.1. Political Reformation in Iran and its Impacts on Hezbollah's Revolutionary Identity 84 3.4.2. Iranian Conservatives and Escalation of Tension with Israel 90 3.4.3 Ahmadinejad's Approach in Antisemitism 92 3.4.4 A Proxy War in 2006 Between Tehran and Tel Aviv 95 3.5. CONCLUSION 99 CONCLUSION 103 REFERENCES 109 APPENDIX 1. ETHICS COMMISSION FORM 117 APPENDIX 2. ORIGINALITY REPORT 119 ; Hizbullah, Lübnan İç Savaşı'nın (1975–1990) en kritik dönemine tekabül eden kuruluşunu takiben, bir yandan Lübnan iç siyasetinde kudretli bir aktör olarak ön plana çıkarken, diğer yandan da uluslararası toplumun dikkate değer ölçüde gündemini işgal eden bölgesel bir devlet dışı aktör haline gelmiştir. Şii kökenli paramiliter bir yapı olarak, Hizbullah'ın tarihi, İsrail'le çok sayıda çatışmaya sahne olmuştur. Örgütün devrimci ve Şii karakteri, İran İslam Cumhuriyeti rejimiyle güçlü ve dayanıklı bir ittifakı beraberinde getirmiştir. Esasen Uluslararası İlişkiler disiplininin de ortaya koyduğu üzere, Ortadoğu'daki devlet dışı aktörlerin siyasi kimliğinin şekillenmesinde, din kökenli unsurların ve dini liderlik kurumlarının yadsınamaz bir ehemmiyeti bulunmaktadır. Bununla birlikte, devletlerin dış politikasında siyasi oluşumların kurulması ve bu yolda dini dinamiklerin araçsallaştırılmasına ilişkin, sistemli ve kaynaklara dayalı olarak hazırlanmış az sayıda çalışma bulunmaktadır. İran dini liderliği tarafından yürütülen ve Şii İslam yorumu üzerinden bölgedeki Şii kökenli grup ve topluluklar üzerinde nüfuz oluşturan kompleks mekanizmaların mütalaa edilmesini hedefleyen bu çalışmanın hazırlanmasının arkasındaki asıl saiklerden biri de bu eksikliktir. Bu çalışma, ABD'nin Ortadoğu'daki hegemonyasıyla mücadelesinde, İran'ın dayandığı devrimci dış politikaya destek tabanının oluşturulması çerçevesinde, bölgedeki siyasi oluşumlarla kurduğu ortaklık ilişkisini güçlendirme yönündeki gayretlerine odaklanmakta ve Hizbullah örneği temelinde bu ilişkinin boyutlarını incelemektedir. Uluslararası İlişkiler disiplinindeki teorik yaklaşımlarda İslami kökenli dini kimlik inşası ihmal edilmiştir. Bununla birlikte, bu çalışmada teorik çerçeve olarak Sosyal İnşacılık (social constructivism) teorisinden faydalanılacaktır. Bu kapsamda, 1979 İslam Devrimi'ni takiben İran tarafından Ortadoğu ölçeğinde devrimci Şii kimliğinin kurgulanması ve yaygınlaştırılması çabaları bağlamında, sınırlar üstü kimlik oluşumu ve etkileşimi olgusuna odaklanılacaktır.

Розглянуто волонтерську та технологічну специфіку взаємодії партій і громадських організацій як процесів залучення прибічників партій та партизації громадського активу. Визначено напрями впливу умов трансформаційного суспільства на форму обрання типу партійно-громадської взаємодії як ключового чинника налагодження зв'язків між осередками політичних партій та громадських організацій. Метою даної статті є встановлення способів взаємодії політичних партій та неурядових структур. Завданням статті є визначення волонтерського й політико-технологічного способу інтеракцій між цими політичними інститутами в транзитивних країнах. На основі аналізу практик партійно-громадської взаємодії у країнах політичної трансформації виявляються особливості волонтерського та політико-маніпуляційного залучення громадських акторів до політичної участі. Встановлено, що самостійність і самодостатність громадських об'єднань і рухів надає їм можливості рівноправного усвідомленого та цілеспрямованого партнерства. Зміст і співвідношення політико технологічної та самоорганізованої партійно-громадської взаємодії визначають обсяги та перебіг політизації у межах процесу структурної диференціації громадянського суспільства ; Unbiased actual perception of reality leads to public understanding ofmultidimensionality of knowledge about civil participation and party-civil interaction.The phenomenon of the party in power that exists in the post-Soviet space and in many Asian and African countries, defines the specific relationship between the party leadership and the party masses. Hence the real impact on public opinion of political parties is not due to ideological positions, but only situational and opportunistic maintenance task needs political leaders.The confused reasoning of party spectrum and the large number of political parties also prompted widespread uncertainty of their electoral support and membership. Because only little number of parties at the beginning of democratic reforms, particularly in modern Ukraine, contributed to their insignificant impact on the formation of internal democracy. Depending on the support of the media in transitive political systems later turned mass membership growth processes that contributed to the formation of deeper party identity within society and the formation of the special position of local branches of the party leadership for action.Party-civil cooperation as a partnership in which community groups receive information and support from political forces implemented to a limited extent, since the whole internal organization of political parties as political subject subordinated to technological imperatives.The appearance of specific political forces that have no formal registration with certain ideological positions and proposals for social development, which are the sign of the modern functioning of party-civil interaction in public opinion transitional society.Political subjectivity of civil associations is limited and temporary while parties are leading exponents of social interests at the political level. An important area of structural differentiation of civil public in the society stable democracy is the emergence of public awareness levels and new forms of public political action. In these processes is crucial the influence of political parties on public opinion. In a competitive political system, political parties are forming public opinion on the base of political messages competition and technologies of public interest attraction to the life of the parties. This means the appropriate level of quality and professionalism in the work of party organizations.The Central and Eastern European countries that have successfully passed the way from paternalistic authoritarian care of the public to use its potential within the implementation of the reforms worked out experience with targeted government policies to stimulate the development of politically active civil society.Modern Ukraine is an example of where political parties that received powers are often treated with contempt of his political opponents. These examples slow formation of political pluralism in modern Ukraine and create the ground for the growth of radicalization and extremist manifestations.Therefore, in addition to liberal values and rules of conduct in relations of political parties and public organizations should cultivate respect for democratic procedures and constitutional rules of the political process. Providing of competitive advantage in the struggle for political power can be achieved either by political manipulation and violence that can be seen in the events of 2004 and 2013 – 2014 in Ukraine. However, in order of consolidating society the rooting tolerance and mutual respect as fundamental principles of behavior of political actors. Only political cooperation priority rules on temporary political considerations can provide long-term civil peace and harmonyin Ukrainian society.Thus, the liberal paradigm of post-communist transformation creates sufficient legal, theoretical and ideological foundations for the consolidation of society. However, practical directions volunteer party-civil interaction need further development. However, at the present stage, there are positive examples of NGO involvement in the activities of political parties. This joint development program regulations, collecting information about the needs and attitudes of citizens. Further consolidation of Ukrainian society and strengthening of its democratic potential can be achieved only with nurturing of voluntary cooperation between party entities that embody the principles of politicalcompetition and public institutions that embody imperative interests of society. ; Рассматривается волонтерская и технологическая специфика взаимодей-ствия партий и общественных организаций как процессов привлечения сторонников партий и партизации общественного актива. Определяются направления влияния условий трансформационного общества на форму выбора типа партийно-общественной взаимодействия как ключевого фактора налаживания связей между ячейками политических партий и общественных организаций. Целью данной статьи является установление способов взаимодействия политических партий и неправительственных структур. Задачей статьи является определение волонтерского и политико-технологического способа интеракций между этими политическими институтами в транзитивных странах. На основе анализа практики партийно-общественной взаимодействия в странах политической трансформации проявляются особенности волонтерского и политико-манипуляционный привлечения общественных актеров к политическому участию. Установлено, что самостоятельность и самодостаточность общественных объединений и движений дает им возможность равноправного осознанного и целенаправленного партнерства. Содержание и соотношение политико-технологической и самоорганизующейся партийно-общественной взаимодействия определяют объемы и ход политизации в рамках процесса структурной дифференциации гражданского общества

The article deals with the semantic and historico-philosophical peculiarities of the formation of the contemporaneity phenomenon, as a set of ideological and worldview attitudes relevant to our age. It is indicated that the term «contemporaneity» itself was used so as to define the temporal and semantic distinction between the old (former) and the actual (present). At the same time, what was emphasized, was the indispensable historical change of the «old» to the «new» and the undeniable value superiority of «modern» (anti-ancient) over the «past» (premature). Simultaneously, the western tradition preserved a generally favorable attitude to the «classical» as to the authoritative supertemporal «topicality», the best sample of which for a long time considered to be the spiritual heritage of antiquity. Each and every time working out a different, «new» attitude towards it, the subsequent generations thus were substantiating «their own» contemporaneity. The significance of the philosophical and semiotic approach in the study of the determinant characteristics of the Western civilization during the last centuries is emphasized herein, namely: acceleration, emancipation, and democratization. In particular, the identification of the nature of the relations between «modernity», «modernization» and «Modern» remains among the insufficiently studied aspects of the issue in question. It has been substantiated that the very history of the contemporaneity can be considered in the synchronic and diachronic planes, where the first one takes into account, first and foremost, the actual «turning points» and the actions of their immediate creators, participants or witnesses, while the second one builds a logically related time sequence between what has already been done, what is now in the process of implementation and what has not yet been implemented. With the help of the «temporal layers» concept introduced by R. Koselleck, it has been established that the novelty of our era was formed under the influence of both temporal and substantive– and value-based parameters. It has been specified herein that: a) its components could differ even within one ideologically homogeneous period; b) each «contemporaneity», but for the uniqueness of its formation, also involves the inheritance of a greater or lesser number of «layers» of the already by-past shared history; c) the reoccurrence and even predictability of changes that determine the actual «spirit» of the epoch, does not deny either the radicalization of their potential meanings, nor the particular specificity of their implementation. On the example of the «modernity» of the classical paradigm in the Modern era, it has been proved that its components could differ even within a single chronological period. The basics that shared the common mathesis universalis principle were functioning in one plane, while the second plane demonstrated a high level of critical guidance to the Cartesian principles. Consequently, the Cartesian-modern interpretation of «contemporaneity» faced a semantic dispute with another interpretation. Their confrontation successfully played the role of auxiliary «causative agents» in the formation of the modern age, which convincingly linked its progress with Cartesianism. This can be illustrated by several examples: the famous intellectual «Quarrel of the Ancients and the Moderns» (fr. «Querelle des Anciens et des Modernes»); philosophical essay by J.-J. Rousseau «Discourse on the Sciences and Arts» (fr. «Discours sur les sciences et les arts»); the emergence of a new discipline – aesthetics, which diversified the traditional ideas about the canons of beauty; finally, the end to the monopoly of historians on the study of the history of contemporaneity. It has been proved that such understanding of modernization also influenced the new content of the problematic questions as to the past, present and future. The answers to them highlighted the value and emphasized the uniqueness of the contemporaneity, which is happening now and is actually implemented. Non-present was understood as the past or not yet realized «contemporaneity», the driving force of which was progress. In accordance with the vision outlined herein, certain suggestions have been made regarding the interpretation of the key elements of the contemporaneity, namely: «modernity» is understood as the leading thought tradition, as well as spiritual and mental peculiarity of the Western worldview over the last five hundred years. It is implemented practically in the processes of «modernization» of sociocultural human existence and is guided by a solid guideline for its rationocentric emancipation. The mentioned tendencies reached their peak during the historical period called «Modern» (17th – beginning of the 19th c.), and subsequently entered the most actual phase of contemporaneity called the post-Modern (or Postmodern) which finally radicalized the experience of modernization accumulated in the past. Key words: contemporaneity, modernization, modernity, Modern, actuality ; У статті розглянуто семантичні та історико-філософські особливості становлення феномену сучасності як сукупності актуальних нашій добі ідейно-світоглядних настанов. Обґрунтовано, що саму історію сучасності можна розглядати в синхронічній і діахронічній площинах. Підкреслено значущість і перспективність філософсько-семіотичного підходу у вивченні визначальних прикмет західної цивілізації впродовж останніх століть, саме: пришвидшення, емансипації, демократизації. До недостатньо досліджених аспектів порушеної проблематики належить, зокрема, з'ясування природи зв'язку між модерністю, модернізацією і Модерном. За допомогою концепції «часових пластів» Р. Козеллека з'ясовано, що новизна нашої доби сформувалася під впливом і часових, і субстанційно-ціннісних параметрів. На прикладі «модерності» класичної парадигми у період Модерну доведено, що її складники могли відрізнятися навіть у межах одного хронологічного періоду. Проаналізовано, як саме їх протистояння успішно виконували роль допоміжних «збудників» у формуванні новітньої доби, яка донедавна переконливо пов'язувала свій поступ із картезіанством. Відповідно до окресленого бачення, сформульовано деякі пропозиції стосовно тлумачення ключових складників сучасності, а саме: модерність розуміємо як провідну мисленнєву традицію і духово-ментальну своєрідність західного світорозуміння впродовж останніх п'ятсот років. Вона практично реалізується у процесах модернізації соціокультурного буття людини і керується твердою настановою на його раціоцентричну емансипацію. Згадані тенденції свого найвищого розквіту сягнули в історичний період Модерну (XVII – поч. ХІХ ст.), а згодом увійшли у найактуальнішу фазу сучасності, названої пост-Модерною (або Постмодерном), яка остаточно радикалізувала накопичені минулим досвіди осучаснення. Ключові слова: сучасність, модернізація, модерність, Модерн, новітність

Programa de Doctorado en Migraciones Internacionales y Cooperación al Desarrollo ; Desde que ISIS declaró su califato de forma unilateral el 29 de junio de 2014, ha atraído a al menos 7,700 combatientes extranjeros de países occidentales y a otros 35,000 extremistas de otros 120 países. Esta migración de combatientes extranjeros, y la reciente ansiedad que supone su vuelta a los países de origen, se ha convertido en una de las principales preocupaciones en materia de seguridad en Occidente. Esta tesis doctoral se basa en los conocimientos en el ámbito de la trata de personas para proporcionar una alternativa a la securitización de la participación y la desvinculación de grupos políticamente violentos, como lSlS. Más concretamente, la estrategia de las 4P's utilizada en la lucha contra la trata de personas (prevención, protección, persecución y partenariados) ofrece un enfoque holístico apropiado para la prevención, la rehabilitación y la reintegración de extremistas violentos y combatientes extranjeros retornados, especialmente en el caso de las mujeres. Con el fin de confirmar la utilidad del ámbito la trata de personas como alternativa para los expertos en la lucha antiterrorista, este trabajo examina los paralelismos existentes entre los mecanismos de reclutamiento empleados por las redes yihadistas y aquellos empleados por las redes de trata. Una revisión bibliográfica preliminar revela que no hay estudios previos que destaquen estas similitudes y que, por tanto, no han explorado la aplicabilidad de la estrategia de las 4P's en el ámbito de la lucha contra el extremismo violento. Un análisis del discurso documenta que los medios de comunicación dominan la narrativa en tomo a ISIS. Esta realidad afecta tanto la investigación académica como la elaboración de políticas. A continuación, un estudio de caso sobre ISIS revela que los mecanismos de reclutamiento son muy similares a aquellos empleados por las redes de trata de personas, incluyendo la importancia dada a ideas como la 'mejora de los medios de vida' o la •idea de una utopía.' El 30% de los combatientes extranjeros que respondieron a la llamada a la migración (hijrah) han regresado a sus países de origen. Aunque la persecución siga siendo una opción, muchos de los combatientes extranjeros serán liberados. En el caso de las mujeres que no estuvieron involucradas en la lucha armada, lo más probable es que no se impongan penas de cárcel. El ámbito de trata de personas ofrece una serie de mecanismos de rehabilitacion y reintegracion que pueden ser adaptadas a las necesidades de aquellos que en su momento apoyaron el extremismo violento pero que nunca estuvieron directamente involucrados. Existen varias historias de éxito que reflejan que la cooperación entre las fuerzas de seguridad, activistas y antiguos extremistas pueden tener un efecto positivo en lo que respecta a la prevención y la reversión del proceso de radicalización. La estrategia de las 4P's pone de manifiesto que la solución ha de ir más allá de la represión. Los procesos de reintegración y rehabilitación efectivos suponen un elemento fundamental a la hora de abordar los principales elementos subyacentes del extremismo violento. Esta tesis doctoral plantea que no hemos de reinventar la rueda, y que mucho de lo que se ha aprendido a nivel internacional en la Guerra contra la Trata puede contribuir de forma positiva a la Guerra Contra el Terror. ; Since ISIS unilaterally declared it so-called Caliphate on June 29, 2014, it has attracted at least 7,700 Western foreign fighters plus another 35,000 extremists from another 120 countries. This flight offoreign fighters, and now anxiety associated with their potential return to their countries of origin, has become one ofthe main security concems in Westem countries This doctoral dissertation draws from what is known in the field of human trafficking to provide an altemative understanding to the securitization of engagement and disengagement from politically violent groups such as TSTS. The 4P strategy utilized to combat human trafficking (prevention, protection, prosecution and partnersbips) in particular offers a holistic approach that may prove appropriate for the prevention, rehabilitation and reintegration of violent extremist offenders and retuming foreign fighters, particularly women. In order to confirm the utility of human trafficking as an altemative for counter-terrorism experts and those countering violent extremism, the parallels between the recruitment mechanisms employed by jihadist groups and those employed by human trafficking networks are explored. A preliminary literature review reveals that no prior studies have bighlighted these similarities and have therefore not examined the applicability of the 4P strategy when it comes to countering violent extremism. A discourse analysis then documents that media dominates the discourse surrounding ISIS. Tbis reality affects both academic research and policymaking. Thereafter, an in-depth case study of ISIS recruitment reveals that its mechanisms are very similar to those employed by human traffickers, including the importance given to ideas such as 'livelihood improvement,' or 'selling utopía.• Thirty percent of the foreign fighters that answered ISIS' call for hijra (migration) have now returned to their countries of origin. Although prosecution must be incorporated, most of these foreign :fighters will be released and, in the cases of women who have not taken up arms, there willlikely be no incarceration. The :field ofhuman tra:fficking offers a series of reintegration and rehabilitation mechanisms that could be tailored to meet the needs ofthose who once supported violent extremism but were never directly engaged in it Several success stories show how partnerships between law enforcement, activists and former extremists can have a positive impact regarding prevention and reversing the radicalization process. As the 4P's model makes apparent, ultimate solutions must be more than merely punitive. Effective rehabilitation and reintegration will prove a crucial component of addressing the core issues violent extremism protrudes from. Tbis dissertation hypothesizes and concludes that we need not rebuild the wheel, and that much of what has been learned internationally from the War on Trafficking can make a positive contribution to the War on Terror.

У монографії на основі ґрунтовного аналізу широкого кола архівних та опублікованих джерел, а також історіографічної бази комплексно розглянуто репресії проти Православної церкви на Сумщині у 1920–1930-ті роки. Охарактеризовано комплекс антицерковної політики на теренах краю. Визначено роль місцевої влада та партійної номенклатури в її запроважденні. Проаналізовано механізми репресій проти Православної церкви, шляхи їх реалізації, форми утисків та переслідувань православного духовенства Сумщини. Встановлено регіональну специфіку, масштаби та наслідки репресій. Висвітлено спротив православного населення регіону антицерковній політиці більшовиків. Показано методи використання та фальсифікації тоталітарним режимом елементів демократичного суспільства для легітимізації та нав'язування незаконних рішень. Для науковців, викладачів, краєзнавців, студентів та всіх, хто цікавиться історичним минулим України. ; The monograph is devoted to the comprehensive study of repressions' illustration against the Orthodox Church in Sumy region in the 1920–1930s by the punitive law enforcement agencies, organs of power and management and the clarification of the regional features of repression. For the first time repressions against the church in Sumy region became the subject of a separate scientific study. A scientific reconstruction of repressions against the Orthodox Church in Sumy region in the 1920s and 1930s was carried out as a multidimensional process aimed, on the one hand, against the church as an institution of society, on the other hand – against the clergy as its ministers. The number of closed and ruined temples in the region in the 1920–30s was determined. The number of repressed Orthodox clergy in the Sumy region in the 1920s–30s was established. The number of arrests of clerics and repressive measures against them separately for each year of the specified period are analyzed. The age, national, social and educational qualifications of the repressed are determined. In depth: understanding of the development of regional peculiarities of repression; approaches to the analysis of the factors of social contradictions that were consciously laid by the Soviet totalitarian regime for the split of society; understanding of the perception of repression by Ukrainian society; awareness of Sumy region as an ethnically homogeneous Ukrainian region with the overwhelming majority of the Orthodox population. Further development has taken: research of place, ways and forms of participation of local bodies of state and party authorities, public associations in the implementation of repressions of the 1920s–1930s; the interrelation of a totalitarian and democratic society; analysis of the use and falsification by the totalitarian regime of elements of a democratic society for the legitimization of its own existence; study of outlawed methods of influence on repressed clergy and witnesses on their accusations, methods of falsification of criminal cases. Improved the content of the concepts and terms associated with the repression of the 1920s–1930s against the Orthodox Church and the clergy. The practical significance of the obtained results is that the positions and conclusions formulated in the monograph can be used in further scientific studies of the humanities subjects. Published by the author are intended to expand the field of scientific research in such areas of the humanities as source study, history of Ukraine, history of religion. The scientific work of the author can be used to write generalizations on the history of the religious policy of the Soviet state, special works on general and regional history of the Orthodox churches and the history of Orthodoxy as a whole, preparation of special courses on the modern history of Ukraine, regional studies, history of the church, history of culture, lectures and educational activities. In the thesis by analyzing a wide range of archival and published sources and historiographical bases, comprehensively, repression of the Orthodox Church in Sumy region in 1920–1930 is reviewed. Complex anti-Church policy on the territory of the region is characterized. The basic components of repressive mechanisms against the Orthodox Church in Sumy, their scope and impact are discovered. The principles and means of implementing these mechanisms against the church, as a social institution are analyzed. The main directions, forms, methods of repression against Orthodox clergy Sumy region in 1920–1930 are described. Regional peculiarity, measure and consequences of repression are established. The features of interfaith relations in Sumy region and local authorities in these terms are defined. It is emphasized that the strategic goal of confessional policy of the Bolsheviks, in the Soviet Union in general, as well as in Sumy was a split of Orthodox Church for its discrimination and self-destruction. An attempt to compare the synchronization of the terms of the state with different directions of Orthodoxy on the Union and local levels is made. Bolsheviks' interconfessional policy in different areas (including area of modern Sumy region) is emphasized. The total number of destroyed and repressed clergy, closed and destroyed churches in the region is specified. The study traces the evolution of repressions from political limitations of religious communities to the confiscation of church property, political, economic, tax harassment for clergymen and their destruction. The place of the pressure on the motivation of the clergy to renounce the holy order is clarified. The position and attitude of the clergymen of the region to such situation is established. The attempt to establish the number and value of the lost church property is made. The ways of getting the lost church property to the museums are traced. The work revealed that the position of the population was radically opposite to the authority's position. The conclusion about the radicalization of anti-Bolshevik sentiment among the inhabitants of the region was made. Dissatisfied inhabitants were making public addresses. Periods and forms of resistance to repressions against the church in the region are described. It is noted that a characteristic feature was that the organizational role did not belong to the clergy but to ordinary citizens. Criminal prosecution for such actions is experienced for the first local clergy. The ways and methods of use and falsification by the totalitarian regime elements of a democratic society for legitimacy and imposition of illegal decisions are shown. The role of local government and party nomenclature in repressions' realization in Sumy region is determined.

Several key architects of the U.S. invasion and occupation of Iraq 21 years ago are presenting a plan for rebuilding and "de-radicalizing" the surviving population of Gaza, while ensuring that Israel retains "freedom of action" to continue operations against Hamas and Islamic Jihad.The plan, which was published as a report Thursday by the hard-line neo-conservative Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs, or JINSA, and the Vandenberg Coalition, is calling for the creation of a private entity, the "International Trust for Gaza Relief and Reconstruction" to be led by "a group of Arab countries such as Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and the United Arab Emirates" and "supported by the United States and other nations."With regard to Palestinian participation, the report by the "Gaza Futures Task Force," envisages an advisory board "composed primarily of non-Hamas Gazans from Gaza, the West Bank, and diaspora." In addition, the Palestinian Authority, which is based on the West Bank, "should be consulted in, and publicly bless," the creation of the Trust while itself undergoing a process of "revamping."In addition to granting Israel license to intervene against Hamas and Islamic Jihad within Gaza, the plan calls for security to be provided by the Trust's leaders and "capable forces from non-regional states with close ties to Israel," as well as "vetted Gazans." The Trust should also be empowered to "hire private security contractors with good reputations among Western militaries" in "close coordination with Israeli security forces," according to the report.The task force that produced the report consists of nine members, four of whom played key roles as Middle East policymakers under former President George W. Bush and in the run-up to and aftermath of the disastrous Iraq invasion in 2003. The group is chaired by John Hannah, who served as deputy national security advisor to Vice President Dick Cheney from 2001 to 2005 and then as Cheney's national security advisor (2005-2009), replacing Lewis "Scooter" Libby, who resigned his position after being indicted for perjury. Libby, who was later given a full pardon by former President Donald Trump, is also a member of the Gaza task force. Another prominent member of the task force is the founder and chairman of the hawkish Vandenberg Coalition, Elliott Abrams, who served as the senior director for Near East and North African Affairs in the National Security Council under Bush from 2002 to 2009 and more recently as the Special Envoy for Venezuela and Iran under Trump. Ironically, Abrams, who also served as the NSC's Senior Director for Democracy under Bush, played a key role in supporting an attempted armed coup by Hamas's chief rival, Fatah, in 2007 after Hamas swept the 2006 Palestinian elections. The coup attempt sparked a brief but bloody civil war in Gaza, which eventually resulted in Hamas' consolidation of power in the Strip.Amb. Eric Edelman (ret.), a fourth member of the task force, served as Cheney's principal deputy national security adviser from 2001 to 2003 and then as Under Secretary of Defense for Policy, the number three position at the Pentagon, under Rumsfeld and his successor, Robert Gates, from 2005 to 2009, as U.S. troops struggled to contain the mainly Sunni resistance to the U.S. occupation in Iraq.In addition to their collaboration during the Bush administration, the four men have long been associated with strongly pro-Israel neoconservative groups, having served on the boards or in advisory positions for such organizations and think tanks as the Hudson Institute, the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, the ultra-hawkish Center for Security Policy, as well as the Vandenberg Coalition and JINSA. Indeed, such groups have promoted policies that have been generally aligned with those of the Likud Party led by Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu.Thus, the report's "key findings" prioritize as considerations: [these are quotes]restoring the deterrence and security needs of Israel, both for its own people and its standing as a powerful regional ally and essential component of resisting Iran's ambitions; and dismantling Hamas as a military and governing force and protecting against its reconstitution through Israel's continued freedom of action against it and against Palestinian Islamic Jihad; and by de-militarizing, de-radicalizing, and improving conditions in Gaza such that major terrorist attacks like October 7 can't and won't happen again…Its proposed Trust, according to the report, should involve the United States and concerned states that accept Israel's role in the region" and "should provide the humanitarian assistance and help to restore essential services and rebuild civil society in Gaza as intense combat and over subsequent months. Its activities should be governed by an international board composed of 3 to 7 representatives from the key states supporting the Trust, including Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and others. At least one notable omission from the list is Qatar, which has provided tens billions of dollars in assistance to Gaza over the last decade.In an echo of Washington's disastrous de-Baathification campaign in occupied Iraq, the report puts special stress on "deradicalization" efforts. "The Trust, recognizing that years of radicalization by Hamas has complicated the task of reforming and restoring Gaza, should focus on a long-term program for deradicalizing the media, schools and mosques," according to the report which adds that "Gazans and the Gazan diaspora should play an active role in developing and implementing these plans, alongside the Trust's Arab members who have hands-on experience in successful deradicalization efforts in their own societies." Such efforts in Gaza, it goes on, could "serve as a model to encourage a similar program there that will be essential if a credible two-state solution is to be revived."The task force urges the Trust to coordinate with other states' efforts and with those of NGOs and international organizations, including the United Nations. But, in an echo of a key Likud talking point, "it should recognize that the activities of UNRWA serve to perpetuate and deepen the Palestinian crisis." The report said UNRWA's immediate assistance in providing relief may be necessary, but "plans to replace it with local Palestinian institutions or other international organizations committed to peace should be developed and implemented."All of these efforts should be pursued within the more general context of countering "Iran's aggressive campaign to derail regional peace efforts, including by constraining the threat posed by Hezbollah and resuming progress toward normalizing Israel and Saudi Arabia," according to the report.