Suchergebnisse

Through an ethnographic account, this text analyses how social dance may become a discourse involving the cultural affirmation of a subordinate group. It describes how a group of girls faced with a complex of outlooks that construed them as Moroccan, Muslim or unattractive —or as objects of education and intervention— responded by affirming their own culture with an unanticipated corporal discourse. The way in which looking construes bodies is explored through metaphors: a hand that touches, a chisel that sculpts, a whip that lashes and a cobweb that controls and traps bodies. Owing to this political dimension of dance, workshops can also be an oppressive and silencing tool; to prevent this, the article concludes with a series of recommendations to implement dance in social intervention processes. ; A través de un relato etnográfico, el texto analiza cómo el baile social puede convertirse en un discurso de afirmación cultural de un grupo subordinado. Se describe cómo, frente a un complejo de miradas que construían a un grupo de niñas como marroquíes, musulmanas, poco atractivas, o como objetos de educación e intervención, ellas respondieron afirmando su propia cultura con un discurso corporal inesperado. La forma en que las miradas construyen cuerpos se explora a través de metáforas: una mano que toca, un cincel que esculpe, un látigo que fustiga, y una telaraña que controla y atrapa los cuerpos. Debido a esta dimensión política del baile, los talleres también pueden ser una herramienta de opresión y silenciamiento; para evitarlo, se concluye con una serie de recomendaciones para implementar el baile en los procesos de intervención social.

In accordance with the political psychological approach the social group 'youth' is defined as a political generation. Each political generation has its own political consciousness and the specific forms of political activity. Political consciousness of youth consists of a complex of political representations which are enough changeable under the influence of current sociopolitical transformations and political values defining, finally, the relation of respondents to the power and the policy. Formation of the political consciousness of youth is in the political socialization process under the influence of the socialization institutes and agents. Modern Russian youth is characterized by participation in political youth organizations. Adapted from the source document.

The paper acknowledges the role of international, Regional and Local instruments towards the social justices system that embraces women's participation in politics. Despite the inherent nature of the domesticated gender equality policies, Zimbabwean women still lag behind. The country has failed to reach a critical mass from 1980 to 2018. As a phenomenological study, the research adopted a qualitative paradigm to purposively profile the experiences and achievements of women who broke the 'glass ceilings' to participate in the masculinized political domain. The sample constituted of selected members of parliament. Importantly the study focused on women's political lived experiences. Findings revealed that despite making it to the political realm women were faced with a masculinist culture reinforced by internal political cultures and deep seated structures that denies the acceptance of women as capable political leaders. The paper reflected on the country's political system of incremental change and concluded that even when women have been mainstreamed into politics; men continue to defend and protect their political status quo. Men have denigrating views about women in politics as a result women find themselves playing right into the hands of patriarchal domination. Recognition and manipulation of women's capabilities and agency were adapted into the study as normative prescriptions; this study recommended the use of these variables to articulate how, individual and collective women's visibility in the political realm can be enhanced. The study also touches on the significant value of women's organizations as platforms for sharing political knowledge amongst candidates as well as potential political actors. The said women's organizations were found to be valuable for the support base they offer through lobbying, advocacy and awareness campaigns for gender sensitive policies and gender mainstreaming into politics. The importance of organizations therefore links women to their political constituencies. Lastly the study recommends attitude changes as a way of embracing female political participation.

Immigration has become a hot topic in West European politics. The factors responsible for the intensification of political conflict on this issue are a matter of considerable controversy. This holds in particular for the role of socio-economic factors and of radical right populist parties. This article explores the politicization of immigration issues and its driving forces in the electoral arena. It is based on a comparative study using both media and manifesto data covering six West European countries (Austria, France, Germany, Netherlands, Switzerland, and the UK) for a period from the early 1990s until 2017. We find no association between socio-economic factors and levels of politicization. Political conflict over immigration follows a political logic and must be attributed to parties and party competition rather than to 'objective pressures.' More specifically, we provide evidence that the issue entrepreneurship of radical right populist parties plays a crucial role in explaining variation in the politicization of immigration.

The literature on political participation and activism has gained from introducing a new term: "sub-activism", which is used to describe individual, mostly internet-mediated activism of everyday choices. Yet there is ongoing work dedicated to the question of how these everyday choices relate to other repertoires of activism. Why do people choose to participate in politics in one form rather than in another? This paper contributes to the field by analysing the rhetoric and repertoire of activists who are organised around two NGOs: the Estonian Pirate Party and the Estonian Internet Society. Based on ethnographic fieldwork, analyses of online materials, and 15 in-depth interviews, findings indicate that the choice of repertoire is strongly connected to the activists' views on the internet, activism and politics. Most importantly, understanding what "politics" stands for influences the choice of sub-activism as suitable or unsuitable action for these groups. These findings are then discussed in the context of East European "apolitical" activism and civil society.

In a discussion of the conception of rationality underlying economic practice, it is argued that economics participates in a discursive field much wider than its self-understanding allows; it meshes with & interpenetrates other seemingly removed discursive formations to produce & reproduce rational/pathological individuals who are fit/unfit to occupy subject positions in contemporary society. The collaboration of economics with the historically contemporaneous discursive formation of psychiatry in constructing & sustaining conceptions of rationality & pathology is discussed, asking: (1) If indeed the rationality demanded by the larger political economy is something like it appears in the representations of economics, then who do they do violence to? & (2) How are alternative subjectives that are potentially subversive of economic subjectivity recuperated & represented in economic discourse, & what have been their ideological effects? The collaboration of economics with psychiatry converges on a shared metaphysics of the subject, a shared epistemology of representation, & a shared commitment to expertise: a subject-centered conception of rationality in economic life helps construct a subject-centered conception of pathology. This collaboration works to efface the complicity of the institutions of political economy in the production of a myriad contemporary pathologies distinctive of the era of a pervasive economic logic & of a self bound up in its operations. AA

The author looks at the linguistic and cultural legacy of the 1917 October revolution through the prism of the meme theory. Memes are reproducible and replicable units of cultural information that evolve in the process of inter-generational transfer - similar to genes that transfer biological information. The article analyzes transformation and evolu-tionary paths of content and evaluative components of such memes as "storming of the Winter Palace", "April theses", "gun salvo of the Aurora" and "Kerensky". Although memes can exist in collective memory in many different forms, the article pays particular attention to the verbal expression of these memes, since it is only the reproduction of memes through lan-guage that makes them truly universal. ; В статье рассматривается языковое и культурное наследие Октябрьской революции сквозь призму теории мемов.

"This paper aims to illuminate and provide a critical assessment of the nationalist discourse on declining population in Bulgaria. Nationalist discourse is one of the mainstream approaches in Bulgaria and is widely spread through mass media having been voiced by renowned intellectuals, policy experts, scholars and media celebrities. It can be recognised in the political programmes of left-wing and nationalist parties, but also in governmental documents at both national as well as regional levels. The nationalistically oriented advocates articulate current concerns regarding the declining birth rates and declining population in the country labelling the demographic situation as 'Bulgarian national catastrophe' and 'Bulgaria's collapse'. They place an emphasis on the decreasing proportion of ethnic Bulgarians and the growth of the ethnic minorities, especially Roma. The latter trend was labelled by the derogatory term 'gypsyisation', i.e. a distortion of the Bulgarian nation and shrinkage of its core ethnicity - ethnic Bulgarians. The threat of the 'gypsyisation' of the Bulgarian nation has not only been viewed in quantitative terms, but also through the lens of an alleged worsening of the national human capital (e.g. level of education, professional skills and civic culture of the population). Another set of arguments exploited in the nationalist discourse is the diminishing size of the Bulgarian nation as a threat to national sovereignty, territorial unity and economic stability. We use a qualitative content analysis and thematic analysis of media textual materials in order to reconstruct the main ideas, arguments and strategies of the proponents of the nationalist discourse regarding the consequences of the declining population in Bulgaria, its social policy implications and future demographic prospects." (author's abstract)

Right-wing populist voices argue that Muslims do not belong in Western Europe because Islam opposes the "core Western value" of women's empowerment. Ironically, such hostilities could cause European Muslims to reject antagonistic natives and their "Western values," potentially creating backlashes in Muslims' support for gender equality. Delving into this possibility, this study diverges from simple conceptualizations of one inherently patriarchal Islam to study the diversity among Muslims in the gendered meanings they attach to their religion in different contexts. Empirically, we use a uniquely pooled dataset covering over 9,000 European Muslims in 16 Western European countries between 2008 and 2019. Multilevel models show that while mosque attendance limits support for public-sphere gender equality, religious identifications only do so among men and individual prayer only among women. Additionally, our results tentatively indicate that in more hostile contexts, prayer's effects become more patriarchal while religious identification's connection to opposition to gender equality weakens. We conclude that Islamic religiosities shape Muslims' support for public-sphere gender equality in far more complex ways than any right-wing populist claim on one essential patriarchal Islam captures.