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In authoritarian systems, ethnic power-sharing arrangements include important ethnic groups in government and decision-making while putting restraints on political competition. However, under conditions of democratization, we might expect power-sharing arrangements to fragment as political parties seize opportunities to expand their base and appeal across ethnic lines. This article draws from the case of Malaysia, where multiethnic coalitions built around ethnic parties ruled for 61 years but where increasing electoral competitiveness has destabilized coalition politics. I focus on the Democratic Action Party (DAP), one of the country's most successful parties, which has sought to build a more multiethnic support base. I show that its attempts have been stymied by enduring norms of ethnically informed coalition building and efforts to protect existing ethnic bases by both rivals and allies. The findings shed light on the barriers to ethnic party adaptation and on why power-sharing practices remain so enduring, even in more fluid and democratic political environments.

Introduction: From Babies to Tribespeople -- Chapter 1: The Reality of a National Mind -- Chapter 2: The Fictional Universe of Nationalism -- Chapter 3: The Emotional Regime of Nationalism -- Chapter 4: Nationalism and Common Sense -- Chapter 5: Sentimental Education -- Conclusion: A World Beyond Nationalism?.

France with its turbulent history, of foreign affairs and rich culture, has over the centuries been a fascinating topic of academic research for historians, political scientists, lawyers, sociologists, culture experts and publicists. And no wonder, since this country – as a continental superpower – was always conducting its politicson a global scale and was – still is – an important player in the international arena. From medieval times, the 17th century especially, France has been considered an important centre of European and world culture, even of civilisation in general, who's status and role grew stronger in the Napoleonic era, when the French language became the language of diplomacy and politics, the language of people of science and culture. Culture, its rich content and spiritual values quickly became a part of France's foreign policy.

Town planning practice and discourses experienced a parallel evolution in Madrid and Paris during the first decades of 20th Century. International models and tools were adapted to the local context and to the new challenges of the greater city. Although the transformations of town planning were remarkable in both cities, they can be better understood as a gradual evolution rather than a rupture. The comparative and evolving analysis of Paris and Madrid planning history and its connections with social and political dynamics outlines new pathways for future research from a transnational perspective. The study of the evolution of planning in two cities with common references allows not only discovering similarities, but mainly to observe differences and alternative paths.The idea of city limit helps to better comprehend the gradual construction of two urban planning and political cultures as well as the collective narrative of the Greater city, between 1910 and the Second World War. ; París y Madrid construyeron, a comienzos del siglo XX, itinerarios paralelos de reflexión y práctica urbanística, a partir de la adaptación de los modelos internacionales al contexto local y a los conflictos desencadenados por las decisiones urbanísticas. Si bien la transformación de la idea de ciudad y de los modos de planificarla en estos años es radical, el proceso se produjo de modo paulatino, mediante la evolución progresiva de las ideas, los discursos y las prácticas. La (re)lectura simultánea de los procesos de planificación de Madrid y París y de sus interacciones con la construcción social y política del territorio entre los años 10 y los 30 apunta pistas de investigación y permite interrogar las prácticas actuales. Analizar, en el tiempo, las evoluciones, a la vez semejantes y divergentes, de dos ciudades guiadas por influencias comunes permite no sólo detectar las similitudes sino, fundamentalmente, observar la diferencia.Apoyándose en la idea de límite, el objetivo de este artículo es comprender el proceso paulatino de construcción de un relato colectivo, el de la Gran Ciudad, y de dos culturas políticas y urbanísticas locales que darían lugar a transformaciones urbanas esenciales.

"The influence of soft power is very difficult to measure. It is associated with intangible resources such as culture or ideology, as well as the ability to use them skillfully in order to gain allies through attraction rather than coercion or payments. After the collapse of communism, Russia retained a huge military potential from the Soviet Union but largely lost its cultural and ideological appeal. Therefore, in order to rebuild its external attractiveness (at least in the post-Soviet space), Russia began to develop its foreign policy according to soft power principles. But Russian policy-makers misinterpreted the concept of soft power. They failed to appreciate the idea of partnerships with clear advantages for both sides in the near and long term. Instead, Moscow perceives soft power as the capacity to influence, or even manipulate, public opinion in target countries.
Although Russia possesses influential soft power channels to post-Soviet states like access to its labor market, language proximity, a common culture, and enormous energy resources, Moscow has been unable to enhance its attractiveness among its closest neighbors. Russian authorities focus most of all on loyal constituencies (such as compatriots living abroad) and seek to mobilize people who already follow Russia's goals and principles. Russia's insufficient soft power activism in the post-Soviet area is also due to its neo-imperial attitude toward neighboring states. Moscow is not able to offer them an attractive vision of integration without building patterns of strong dependence. Therefore, its proposal of close political and economic cooperation seems quite dangerous for the sovereignty and long-term development of its neighbors.
The notion of soft power holds strong normative potential based on domestic standards and norms of social and political life that are practiced in the state seeking to enhance its influence abroad. It is impossible to create an appealing external image without dealing effectively with domestic problems. Russia has many problems with corruption, the abuse of human rights, the lack of democracy, and the rule of law. Thus its model of political and socio-economic transformation cannot be seen as a positive example for other post-Soviet countries.
As soft powers usually use the most transparent and democratic measures to build their external attractiveness, the only way for Russia to become a real soft power in the post-Soviet area is to introduce serious internal reforms that focus on the liberalization of its economy and the democratization of its political system. It is only through real democratic change that Russia will reach its soft power potential." [author's abstract]

Taking the historical convergence between the Spanish Political Transition and the acceleration of the secularization process as a background, this paper examines the keys to understand the deactivation of the so called «religious question» from a socio-historical perspective and through the analysis of a collection of various historical materials (archives, statistics, oral sources, etc.). Thus, the article examines the consolidation of a «centrism», also in the socio-religious sphere, during the beginning of the construction of democracy in Spain, based on the potential relationship between Transition and secularization, and the reactivation of low-intensity culture wars, which were inserted in a democratic context from that moment on. Around these two axes we will present the characteristics and dilemmas of religious presence in a non-confessional and increasingly secularized Spanish framework, in which not only was consensus on the religious question possible, but dissent was increasingly naturalised by democratic mechanisms. ; A partir de la convergencia histórica entre la Transición y la aceleración del proceso de secularización, el presente trabajo examina las claves de la desactivación de la denominada «cuestión religiosa» desde una perspectiva sociohistórica y por medio del análisis de diversos materiales históricos (archivos, estadísticas, fuentes orales, etc.). Desde esta base, el artículo se interroga sobre la consolidación de un centrismo, también sociorreligioso, durante el inicio de la construcción democrática en España, a partir de la potencial relación entre Transición y secularización, que no fue óbice para la reactivación de una «guerra cultural» de baja intensidad en un contexto democrático. En torno a estos dos ejes, presentaremos las características y los dilemas de la presencia religiosa en un marco aconfesional y crecientemente secularizado, en el que no solo el consenso en la cuestión religiosa fue posible, sino que el disenso se encontró crecientemente naturalizado por los mecanismos democráticos.

Conventional political writings influenced by Foucault emphasize how various kinds of coercive measures are hidden behind the veil of a justified government. Their investigations tell us what makes it possible for the sovereign to exercise power over its subjects, and how, subject as we are to such constraints, we may still evolve ways and means to ensure our political liberties. In their endorsement of Foucault, they, however, lean in favor of political liberalism and find common theoretical grounds with his rivals. Instead we use Foucault to examine the nature and character of governance in Europe since the late medieval period focusing on the relationship between the framing of sovereignty and the application of pastoral power. This takes us on a journey from Aquinas to the literature on ''advice-to-prince'' and finally Kant. The idea is to capture what their theoretical preoccupations with governance suggest when we read them with Foucault's principles.

This research has been aim for showing about how discourse analysis in media pilkada politic communication in situbondo, politic communication strategic was built by candidate of regency fatayat inhegemoni or power of priyayi politic in Situbondo. So became development in politic communication of candidate leader of area on practice and scholarship. Then many questions will be answered are: 1) how is Fatayat of women Situbondo preception of realty politic in Situbondo. 2) How do Fatayat women face the obstacles of political communication in Situbondo? 3) How do Fatayat women build political communication strategies in dealing with kyai political hegemony in Situbondo? By using qualitative-explorative research approach, some steps in observation data collection procedure, interview and documentation are done consistently and continuously so that the first research produce political climate in Situbondo is in the power of kyai (men) in gender analysis is patriarchy political culture so space women's politics are not as free as the political space of men. Both communication barriers and women's political participation are found in several factors, including cultural barriers, political capital constraints and human resource constraints. The three strategies of women's political communication are carried out in several ways: firstly lobbying, establishing cooperation with various parties and agencies, both communication processes ranging from message selection, media selection and proper selection of communication so that communication strategy becomes effective.

This research has been aim for showing about how discourse analysis in media pilkada politic communication in situbondo, politic communication strategic was built by candidate of regency fatayat inhegemoni or power of priyayi politic in Situbondo. So became development in politic communication of candidate leader of area on practice and scholarship. Then many questions will be answered are: 1) how is Fatayat of women Situbondo preception of realty politic in Situbondo. 2) How do Fatayat women face the obstacles of political communication in Situbondo? 3) How do Fatayat women build political communication strategies in dealing with kyai political hegemony in Situbondo? By using qualitative-explorative research approach, some steps in observation data collection procedure, interview and documentation are done consistently and continuously so that the first research produce political climate in Situbondo is in the power of kyai (men) in gender analysis is patriarchy political culture so space women's politics are not as free as the political space of men. Both communication barriers and women's political participation are found in several factors, including cultural barriers, political capital constraints and human resource constraints. The three strategies of women's political communication are carried out in several ways: firstly lobbying, establishing cooperation with various parties and agencies, both communication processes ranging from message selection, media selection and proper selection of communication so that communication strategy becomes effective.

¿Qué puede una fcción mítica como el Cyborg en la construcción identitaria contemporánea? ¿Qué puede en la ideación de nuevas formas de producción y emancipación subjetiva? Este artículo propone una mirada crítica y feminista a las dimensiones y potencias políticas de las clásicas fguraciones míticas de la cultura occidental puestas en conversación con la fcción Cyborg de Donna Haraway. Como mito materialista, feminista y socialista, surgido como criatura deseante y productiva, el Cyborg opera como fcción político-poética, como criatura de realidad social (simbólica) y también de fcción (inventada) que actúa como orador extático que nos permite hablar al lado de nosotros mismos. Para esta refexión proponemos distintas líneas argumentativas desde la flosofía, la antropología y, especialmente, la práctica artística, comparando fguraciones míticas occidentales apoyadas en la creación simbólica y material de lo humano, y bajo la motivación implícita del "dolor" que operan en nosotros nuestros mitos culturales y sus limitaciones identitarias. Esta refexión se articulará sobre las siguientes ideas: 1. Lo masculino como humano y lo femenino sexuado en las fguraciones míticas. 2. Construcción técnica de lo humano y construcción mítica de lo abyecto. 3. Construcción posthumana y retóricas Cyborg desde el arte feminista. Será en este ultimo apartado donde queremos sugerir los modos habituales de hacer del arte feminista e identifcar la ideación de fguraciones míticas entre ellos; desde la considera - ción de que son los espacios creativos y tecnológicos de la representación y la artifcialidad, como el arte y la fcción los que mejor nos permiten visibilizar, pero sobre todo hacer convivir, las contradicciones de la enunciación y sus inestabilidades como proceso dinámico, cuando nos enfrentamos a la identidad estereotipada. Tolerar y refexionar sobre estas contradicciones es posible en el territorio de la artifcialidad. Y es en este privilegiado escenario del arte y de la tecnología donde las artistas feministas han actuado como destacadas intérpretes iconoclastas de la época y de la cultura. ; What is possible in contemporary identity construction from a mythical fction such as the Cyborg? What is possible from the idea for new forms of production and subjective emancipation? This article proposes a critical and feminist approach to the dimensions and political powers of mythic fgurations in the Western culture brought into conversation with Donna Haraway's fctional Cyborg. From materialist myth, a productive feminist, socialist, and desiring creature emerged, the Cyborg operating as political-poetic fction, as a creature of social reality (symbolic) and fction (invented) that acts as an ecstatic speaker that allows us to speak next ourselves. For this discussion we propose diferent lines of argument from philosophy, anthropology and especially artistic practice, comparing Western mythic fgurations that supported the symbolic creation of the material and the human, and under the implicit motivation of "pain" that operates in our cultural myths and constrained identities. This refection will be organized on the following ideas: 1. The male as human and the female sexed in mythic fgurations. 2. The technical design of the human and the mythical construction of the abject. 3. Posthuman construction and the rhetorical cyborg from feminist art. It is in this last section where we want to suggest the usual ways of doing feminist art and identify the mythic ideation of fgurations among them, from the consideration that creative and technological spaces of representation and artifciality, are like art and fction which allow us to visualize better, but mostly live the contradictions of enunciation and dynamic instabilities, as when we face stereotypical identity. To tolerate and refect on these contradictions is possible in the territory of artifciality. And it is in this privileged setting of art and technology where feminist artists have acted as prominent iconoclastic interpreters of these times and culture.

Visual generative media represent a novel technology with the potential to mediate public perceptions of political events, conflicts, and wars. Seeking to understand a visual culture in which algorithms become integrated into human processes of memory mediatization, this study addresses representation in AI-generated war imagery. It frames AI image generation as a socio-technical practice at the nexus of humans, machines, and visual culture, challenging Silicon Valley's prevailing narrative of visual AI as "an engine for the imagination." Through a case study of AI images generated in response to verbal prompts about Russia's war against Ukraine, I examine the representational capabilities and limitations of the text-to-image generator Midjourney. The findings suggest homogeneity of visual themes that foreground destruction and fighters, while overlooking broader contextual and cultural aspects of the Russia-Ukraine war, thus generalizing the depiction of this war to that of any war. This study advances the research agenda on critical machine vision as a transdisciplinary challenge situated at the interface of media and cultural studies, computer science, and discourse-analytic approaches to visual communication.

In this special issue, we explore the geopolitics, aesthetics and future potentiality surrounding TikTok to assess the possibility and implications of a new phase of digital globalisation. A phase in which China-based innovative platform technologies, infused with state power, generate and potentially disrupt digital cultures in places outside China. We will further explore this in the next part of this introduction, showing how the global rise of TikTok is feeding into increasing geopolitical anxieties worldwide. At the same time, we argue for the need to diversify our approaches to TikTok and platform studies – the latter field is very much dominated by questions around production, monetisation, data and political economy. More approaches, focusing on aesthetics, visual culture and users, are needed. In the second part of this introduction, we mobilise the notion of repetitive creativities as a way to engage with the aesthetic affordances of TikTok. This brings us to our conclusion, in which we allude to the possibility that TikTok can be seen as a kind of silly archive, offering glimpses of a future that is not yet here, but that may well come.

With the election of a new president, Egypt has reached another milestone in its roadmap for transition, but democracy and peace are still a long way off. The election of Abdul Fattah el-Sisi, former Minister of Defense, is likely to further complicate the country's political crisis, since the Muslim Brotherhood holds him responsible for last year's succession of massacres. Continued polarization fans political violence, impeding stability and much-needed economic growth. Changing the dynamics of the conflict through measures aimed at reconciliation and confidence-building could push the two major adversaries - the Muslim Brotherhood and the regime - to change course.