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In this essay I develop a blasphemy counter-discourse arguing that it was ecclesial and state authorities who committed blasphemies, which were condemned by Pussy Riot's punk-prayer. Thus, the performance in this respect may be interpreted as an anti-blasphemy protest. The blasphemy list includes the collaboration of the church with the authoritarian state, known as heresy of Sergianism; Caesar and Temple idolatry, blasphemy against the Holy Spirit, Virgin Mary and Folly for Christ's sake. The punk-prayer may be interpreted as a feminine version of the Lord's Prayer – Mater Nostra. Several corporeal narratives in the background – women's dress code and rape debates, Virgin Mary's belt, and its alleged miraculous ability to help women to deliver a baby – may be seen as allegories of feminist vs. patriarchal opposition in Russian religious and political culture.

This article uses data from the social survey Allbus 1998 to introduce a method of forecasting elections in a context of electoral volatility. The approach models the processes of change in electoral behaviour, exploring patterns in order to model the volatility expressed by voters. The forecast is based on the matrix of transition probabilities, following the logic of Markov chains. The power of the matrix, and the use of the mover-stayer model, is debated for alternative forecasts. As an example of high volatility, the model uses data from the German general election of 1998. The unification of two German states in 1990 caused the incorporation of around 15 million new voters from East Germany who had limited familiarity and no direct experience of the political culture in West Germany. Under these circumstances, voters were expected to show high volatility.

В статье рассматриваются события, связанные с народными волнениями в городах-крепостях Юга России Сокольске и Усмани, произошедшими в середине XVII в. Автор, на основании сохранившихся документов, реконструирует ход событий, показывает действия участников и итоги волнений. В результате автор делает вывод, что действия мятежников были связаны с уровнем их политической культуры, для которой были характерны патернализм, традиционализм, патриархальность. ; The article examines events associated with public unrest that took place in the middle of the XVII century in the fortress towns of the South of Russia Sokolsk and Usman. On the basis of available documents the author reconstructs the course of the events, describes the actions of the participants and the results of the disorders. The researcher concludes that the rebels' actions were connected with the level of their political culture, which was characterized by paternalism, traditionalism, patriarchal nature.

В статье представлена классификация видов легитимации, а также рассмотрены современные легитимационные технологии и механизмы. Особое значение в контексте рассматриваемой темы уделено осмыслению роли человека в современной политике и степени влияния политической культуры на специфику легитимационных технологий и механизмов. В современном обществе действует широкий арсенал легитимационных технологий и механизмов, которые, в большинстве своем, стали приобретать нисходящий и манипуляционный характер. ; The article presents the classification of legitimation, as well as deals with modern technologies and legitimizing mechanisms. Particular importance in the article is paid to understanding the role of a man in modern politics, and the degree of influence of political culture on the specifics of legitimizing technologies and mechanisms. In modern society there is a wide arsenal of legitimizing technologies and mechanisms which, in the majority, began to acquire a top-down and manipulative character.

В статье представлена классификация видов легитимации, а также рассмотрены современные легитимационные технологии и механизмы. Особое значение в контексте рассматриваемой темы уделено осмыслению роли человека в современной политике и степени влияния политической культуры на специфику легитимационных технологий и механизмов. В современном обществе действует широкий арсенал легитимационных технологий и механизмов, которые, в большинстве своем, стали приобретать нисходящий и манипуляционный характер. ; The article presents the classification of legitimation, as well as deals with modern technologies and legitimizing mechanisms. Particular importance in the article is paid to understanding the role of a man in modern politics, and the degree of influence of political culture on the specifics of legitimizing technologies and mechanisms. In modern society there is a wide arsenal of legitimizing technologies and mechanisms which, in the majority, began to acquire a top-down and manipulative character.

Organizational theory has long emphasized the importance of contingent, environmental influences on organizational performance. Similarly, research has demonstrated the importance of local political culture and informal management on the performance of the local health system, establishing vicious and virtuous circles of influence that contribute to increasing inequalities in performance among decentralized local health systems. A longitudinal ethnography studied the relationship between these elements in the same rural municipality in Northeast Brazil after a four-year interval. The second study found the local health system performance much improved. Two main factors appear to have interacted to bring this about: leadership vision and power to implement of one individual; professionalization of the local health system by hiring a significant number of senior health staff. The origins of these influences combine initiatives at local, state and federal levels.

Organizational theory has long emphasized the importance of contingent, environmental influences on organizational performance. Similarly, research has demonstrated the importance of local political culture and informal management on the performance of the local health system, establishing vicious and virtuous circles of influence that contribute to increasing inequalities in performance among decentralized local health systems. A longitudinal ethnography studied the relationship between these elements in the same rural municipality in Northeast Brazil after a four-year interval. The second study found the local health system performance much improved. Two main factors appear to have interacted to bring this about: leadership vision and power to implement of one individual; professionalization of the local health system by hiring a significant number of senior health staff. The origins of these influences combine initiatives at local, state and federal levels.

This article explores the mind-set of the actors and contemporaries of WWI in Switzerland through an examination of the values transmitted to them in their childhood. The inquiry focuses on school texts from Radical-Liberal milieus dealing with both politics and religion (Protestant and Old Catholic, in particular). Catechisms and civics teaching manuals present very similar moral injunctions, based on respect for parents and obedience to hierarchical superiors, which are extended beyond this circle to include a call for love of one's nation. The author thus shows to what extent respect for authority remained an essential value of the liberal system that was taking shape in the last third of the nineteenth century, as well as how religious and state authorities worked hand in glove to fashion a new political culture, which, though secular, continued to be firmly grounded in Christian beliefs.

La vida cotidiana es motivo de la creación publicitaria, de sus circuitos y de sus intenciones. Es elpunto de partida y de llegada del proceso publicitario en su conjunto, sin el que no se entiende nijustifica. Pero, en ese proceso, la vida cotidiana no se limita a ser el mero receptor, sino que ofrece ala publicidad sus tramas culturales, su lenguaje, su estructura. De esta manera, podemos decir que lavida cotidiana se inventa con y por la publicidad. La esfera de lo público se devalúa en apariencia,bajo el aspecto estimulante de las grandes imágenes publicitarias. La sospecha es que lo publicitadova sustituyendo a lo público. Y la cultura del consumo sustituye a la cultura política. ; Everyday life is the field of advertising creativity. Patterns and symbols are modified and invented bythis phenomenon that substitute political culture.

The "Leipzig Charter on Sustainable European Cities" (2007) gives a new impetus to the construction of a European Urban Policy, with the peculiarity that this process is taking place de facto, from the consolidation of an urban acquis, defined as a set of values and empirical knowledge on the management of urban development processes. From these premises, the question is if European cities actually converge in the way they build and implement its urban development project. This issue is analyzed in the case studies of Santiago de Compostela (Spain) and Konstanz (Germany). The result evidences a convergence in terms of program and type of strategic processes carried out in both cities. However, in both cases arise differences in terms of design and implementation that depend on local political culture and institutional factors. Adapted from the source document.

The main purpose of the article is to describe the racial interpretation of European history proposed by an eminent British scholar John Pinkerton (1758–1826) in his book A Dissertation on the Origin and Progress of the Scythians or Goths (1787). The hypothesis suggested by John Pinkerton will be evaluated in a broader historical, intellectual and cultural context and its relationship to traditional Scytho-Celtic paradigm and indology of Royal Asiatic Society will be analyzed. Author argued that we could derive some fundamental similarities between Pinkerton's thesis and Aryan ideology penetrating Western political culture in the second half of nineteenth century. The fact could indicate that Western mentality used to be in a certain sense preadapted at the threshold of modernity for expansion of a new "myth of foundation" in the guise of racial aggressive narrative.

Educationists cannot escape accountability. They should concentrate on shaping it in a way that everyday practice can benefit from it. Such attempts should be supported by evaluators developing more adequate methods. If, however, the public and its representatives insist on simplistic measures for the success of schooling, defensiveness rather than improvement will be the answer. In this paper the elements for a more responsive accountability system and the respective strengths and shortcomings of different evaluation approaches are analyzed. It is not possible to determine one best combination of elements for all countries. Accountability mechanisms have to match existing patterns of decision-making in the respective system and to respond to the prevailing philosophy of education and the values of its political culture. The argument put forward in this paper should help to find a better match. (Author)

The life expectancy of African Americans has been substantially lower than that of white Americans for as long as records are available. The life expectancy of all Americans has been lower than that of all Canadians since the beginning of the 20th century. Until the 1970s this disparity was the result of the low life expectancy of African Americans. Since then, the life expectancy of white Americans has not improved as much as that of all Canadians. This article discusses two issues: racial disparities in the United States, and the difference in life expectancy between all Canadians and white Americans. Each country's political culture and institutions have shaped these differences, especially national health insurance in Canada and its absence in the United States. The American welfare state has contributed to and explains these differences.

Peter Borowsky (1938-2000) was a committed historian and enthusiastic historian. For more than 30 years he taught modern history at the History Department of the University of Hamburg. He left a lasting mark on generations of students through his competence and his way of conveying history in a lively way. This is also evident in the 14 contributions to German history in the 19th and 20th centuries, which are published here for the first time. The topics range from the Hohenzollern region to the political culture of the Federal Republic of Germany and include students in the revolution of 1848, Hamburg's 19th century history, the development from the Weimar Republic to the "Third Reich", German relations with Eastern European countries and the USA. Two texts deal vividly with the history of German historiography and the "Historian's Dispute".

Data from the National Center for Charitable Statistics (NCCS) and other secondary sources was used to examine the nonprofit sectors of nine metropolitan regions. The results indicate that nonprofit sectors vary widely in terms of the numbers of organizations in them and the proportions of different types of providers. Moreover, the findings showed complex and intriguing relationships between nonprofit sectors and political culture, generosity, wealth, poverty, and heterogeneity. Traditionalistic sites had sectors with the opposite characteristics. The sectors in individualistic sites lay between these two patterns. Wealthier sites had larger, better-supported and secure sectors. Sites with higher poverty had less well supported sectors with smaller human service components. The most and least heterogeneous sites had the largest and smallest nonprofit sectors respectively. These findings bolster confidence in the use of NCCS data.