AbstractIt is argued in the paper that Regional science needs to rethink its theoretical frameworks and research agendas. Globalization and impending recession show starkly how too little attention has been paid to issues of finance and the supply of funds within economies. Too frequently business relationships have been seen as embedded in benign networks, neglecting issues of power, control and exclusion, the role of contracts and their enforcement, and the pursuit of inimitability to maximise rents. Rethinking these issues involves new perspectives to be developed on policy development, including the neglected significance of 'bureaucratic politics', and how policy interacts with communities to create outcomes on the ground. The paper seeks to stimulate a debate that is needed to keep Regional Science relevant.
Chapter 1. Political Epistemology: Positioning Science Studies -- Chapter 2. The Logic of Science and Technology as a Developmental Tendency of Modernity -- Chapter 3. On Both Sides of the Iron Curtain: The Marxist Struggle for Cultural Hegemony and HPS for a 'Free Society' -- Chapter 4. Toward a Socio-Political History of Science: From Structures to Hegemonies -- Chapter 5. Hegemony and Science: Epistemological and Historiographical Perspectives
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The Representation of Science and Scientists on Postage Stamps examines how the postal authorities of the world have developed unique techniques to portray science and scientists in order to convey a message behind the stamp issue. It is a multi-disciplinary examination that investigates visual representation, semiotics, science, science history and politics, amongst other issues. The author introduces and describes a technique for looking at how and why images may have been chosen. Is the image a mirror reflecting a known reality or is it a lens to challenge, to prompt further thought or action? He also hypothesises that the Internet created a real change to science communication, influencing the way images of science were used. The stamp message changed from that of pursuing a public understanding approach to an awareness of science with its increasing contextual content.
In this policy perspective, we outline several conditions to support effective science–policy interaction, with a particular emphasis on improving water governance in transboundary basins. Key conditions include (1) recognizing that science is a crucial but bounded input into water resource decision-making processes; (2) establishing conditions for collaboration and shared commitment among actors; (3) understanding that social or group-learning processes linked to science–policy interaction are enhanced through greater collaboration; (4) accepting that the collaborative production of knowledge about hydrological issues and associated socioeconomic change and institutional responses is essential to build legitimate decision-making processes; and (5) engaging boundary organizations and informal networks of scientists, policy makers, and civil society. We elaborate on these conditions with a diverse set of international examples drawn from a synthesis of our collective experiences in assessing the opportunities and constraints (including the role of power relations) related to governance for water in transboundary settings.
While a stalemate in the predominantly Tamil North and East of Sri Lanka continues despite Indian intervention on the government's behalf, in the Sinhala South death squads associated with the pseudo People's Liberation Front, the JVP, have been ruthlessly eliminating its opponents. The United National Party (UNP) and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), having created and nurtured popular racism for over thirty years in order to get into power (through a ready-made Sinhalese majority of 70 per cent of the population), * would now like to draw back from the brink of another crippling civil war, this time in the South. But they are unable to do so because the JVP has taken up the Sinhala cause and pushed it to the point of social fascism through assassination and murder. Popular racism based on Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism promoted in the schools and expressed in song, textbook and media served to fuel the anti-Tamil pogroms of 1958, 1977, 1981 and 1983, in which thousands were killed at the hands of street mobs. Some of the most violently anti- Tamil propaganda (deriving inspiration from mythical Sinhalese history) has emanated from the present government. Colonisation of Tamil areas by Sinhalese was justified on the pretext of protecting ancient Buddhist shrines. And it is an open secret that ministers hired their own hit squads in the 1983 pogrom. When, in a bid to end the unwinnable war with the Tamils, the UNP signed the Indo-Lanka Accord in 1987, allowing Indian troops to operate on Sri Lankan soil, it alienated the very Sinhala nationalists it had itself fostered. And it was the JVP which capitalised on the resentment over India's interference in Sri Lanka's internal affairs. Accusing the UNP government (and other supporters of the Accord) of treachery, it enlarged and deepened popular racism into fanatical patriotism. But what has given the JVP terror tactics a hold over the population has been the steady erosion of democratic freedoms, on the one hand, and the self-abasement of the Left, on the other. Both the SLFP and UNP governments have postponed elections to stay in power, but the UNP went further and got itself re-elected en bloc on a phoney referendum to postpone elections. Local elections were never held under the SLFP and whatever elections took place under the UNP have either been rigged and/or carried out under conditions of massive intimidation. In the process, the political literacy that the country once boasted has been lost to the people and, with it, their will to resist. At the same time the collaborationist politics of the Left in the SLFP government of 1970-77 have not only served to decimate its own chances at the polls (it obtained not a single seat in the election of 1977) but also to leave the working-class movement defenceless. So that it was a simple matter for the UNP government to crush the general strike of 1980, imprison its leaders and throw 80, 000 workers permanently out of work. And it has been left to the JVP to pretend to take up the socialist mantle of the Left even as it devotes itself to the racist cause of the Right, and so win the support of the Sinhala-Buddhist people. In the final analysis the choice before the country is that of two terrors: that of the state or that of the JVP. Below we publish an analysis of the situation as at October 1988, put out by the underground Campaign for Social Democracy in the run up to the presidential elections.
1. Introduction: The New Science of Welfare and Happiness -- 2. Adam Smith on Conventional Political Themes -- 3. The System of Natural Liberty and the Science of Welfare -- 4. Adam Smith's Political and Economic Sociology: A Quiet State for a Quiet People -- 5. Adam Smith on Political Corruption -- 6. Adam Smith's International Thought -- 7. A Three Stage Decision Tool for Pragmatic Liberalism -- 8. Conclusion
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On the occasion of the publication of the book by Alain Degenne and Michel Forsé, the concept of a network is once again the subject of an investigation in social sciences. As is also shown by the recent numerous studies on this subject, this book is an indicator of the growing interest of sociology in this issue. In the light of the work that preceded it, we would like to address the issues raised by A. Degenne and Mr Forsé that could first and foremost raise the interest of politicians (.). ; À l'occasion de la parution de l'ouvrage d'Alain Degenne et de Michel Forsé, le concept de réseau fait, une nouvelle fois, l'objet d'une investigation en sciences sociales. Comme en témoignent également les nombreuses études consacrées à ce sujet publiées récemment, cet ouvrage est l'indicateur de l'intérêt croissant de la sociologie à l'égard de cette problématique. À la lumière des travaux qui l'ont précédé, on souhaite aborder les questions soulevées par A. Degenne et M. Forsé susceptibles d'éveiller en tout premier lieu l'intérêt des politistes (.).
This presentation summarises the concept of "policy engagement" used in the 3-year project Doing-it-Together science (DITOs). I present the understanding of policy engagement developed by the European Citizen Science Association (ECSA), which led the policy engagement work in DITOs, activities carried out and some impacts. Three main lines of work are highlighted: (1) Anchoring CS in EU research policy, (2) Supporting capacity building of national networks and (3) Developing more open organisations. The presentation was made at the 2019 meeting of the COST Action 15212 with the aim to make results available in discussions on the state of national CS strategies in COST countries.
The term "biopolitics" carries multiple, sometimes competing, meanings in political science. When the term was first used in the United States in the late 1970s, it referred to an emerging subdiscipline that incorporated the theories and data of the life sciences into the study of political behavior and public policy. But by the mid-1990s, biopolitics was adopted by postmodernist scholars at the American Political Science Association's annual meeting who followed Foucault's work in examining the power of the state on individuals. Michel Foucault first used the term biopolitics in the 1970s to denote social and political power over life. Since then, two groups of political scientists have been using this term in very different ways. This paper examines the parallel developments of the term "biopolitics," how two subdisciplines gained (and one lost) control of the term, and what the future holds for its meaning in political science.
"Wie wir bereits im letztjährigen Sonderband des Jahrbuches zum 'Beobachtungsfeld Arbeit' aufgezeigt haben, besteht im theoretischen wie empirischen Forschungsstand und insbesondere in der Datenlage zur Untersuchung der beschäftigungspolitischen Wirkungen technologischer Innovationen eine große Zahl an weißen Flecken und Forschungsdefiziten. Wenn, wie in diesem letztjährigen Sonderband gezeigt, es derartig große Probleme und Defizite in der bisherigen gesellschaftlichen Berichterstattung über die Bereiche Arbeit und Arbeitsmarkt gibt, so kann schon von der Logik her die Frage nach den Auswirkungen bestimmter politischer Konzepte oder Einzelmaßnahmen kaum umfassend beantwortet werden. Der heuer als Doppel-Jahrbuch 1998/99 vorgelegte Band ist daher als Ergänzung zu dem Sonderband des letzten Jahres zu sehen, in dem die entsprechenden Daten- und Berichterstattungsdefizite in breiter Hinsicht skizziert wurden: Der Versuch, mit exemplarischen Beiträgen und teilweise anhand noch bisher recht wenig für diese Fragestellungen genutzte Datenquellen die angesprochenen Schnitte durch den komplexen empirischen Gegenstand zu legen. Damit soll der Blick des Lesers anhand ausgewählter Beispiele auf die gewaltigen Transformationen in unserer Arbeitswelt aber auch auf die vielen kleinen, schleichenden Veränderungen sowie deren Wechselseitigkeit und Implikationen geschärft werden. Als besonders erfreulich - gerade auch im Hinblick auf eine anstehende Neuorientierung der sozialwissenschaftlichen Technikberichterstattung - hat sich dabei der Umstand erwiesen, daß das Institut für Arbeitsmarkt- und Berufsforschung der Bundesanstalt für Arbeit zu den Verbundinstituten dazugestoßen ist. Ausgelöst durch die inzwischen bestehende und dankenswerterweise vom Bundesministerium für Bildung und Forschung geförderte Nutzungsmöglichkeit des IAB-Betriebspanels (vgl. zu einer Beschreibung der Zugangsmöglichkeiten und dem Bestellhinweis für ein entsprechendes Codebook sowie die Testdaten den Anhang in diesem Band) wird vom Verbund 'Sozialwissenschaftliche Technikberichterstattung' angestrebt, die wertvollen Ergebnisse und Daten des IAB stärker für die gesellschaftliche Dauerbeobachtung zu nutzen." (Textauszug). Inhaltsverzeichnis: Werner Dostal, Markus Hilpert, Ernst Kistler: Modelle mit zu vielen Unbekannten. Zum Forschungsstand und den Grenzen von Untersuchungen über die Beschäftigungseffekte moderner Technik (19-63); Wilfried Konrad: Potemkinsche Dörfer. Zur Beschäftigungsdynamik der Informations- und Kommunikationstechnologien (65-112); Nick Kratzer: Beschäftigungseffekte von Existenzgründungen (113-156); Nestor DżAlessio, Herbert Oberbeck: "Call-Center" als organisatorischer Kristallisationspunkt von neuen Arbeitsbeziehungen, Beschäftigungsverhältnissen und einer neuen Dienstleistungskultur (157-180); Manfred Deiß: Flexibilität versus Beschäftigung? Zur Entwicklung von Beschäftigungs- und Arbeitsstrukturen am Beispiel des Lebensmitteleinzelhandels (181-213); Lutz Bellmann, Markus Hilpert, Ernst Kistler: Technik und Beschäftigung (215-254).
