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Published as An autarkic science : physis, culture, and power in Franco's Spain / Néstor Herran and Xavier Roqué, as appears in the print version of Historical studies in the natural science. © 2013 by the Regents of the University of California/Sponsoring Society or Association. Copying and permissions notice: Authorization to copy this content beyond fair use (as specified in Sections 107 and 108 of the U. S. Copyright Law) for internal or personal use, or the internal or personal use of specific clients, is granted by the Regents of the University of California/on behalf of the Sponsoring Society for libraries and other users, provided that they are registered with and pay the specified fee via Rightslink® on [JSTOR (http://www.jstor.org/r/ucal)] or directly with the Copyright Clearance Center, http://www.copyright.com ; We discuss the rise of modern physics in Spain during Francoism (1939-1975) within the context of culture, power, and the ongoing historical assessment of science during the dictatorship. Contrary to the idea that Francoist policy was indifferent if not hostile to modern science, and that ideology did not go deeper than the rhetorical surface, we discuss the ways in which the physical sciences took advantage of, and in turn were used by, the regime to promote international relations, further the autarkic economy, and ultimately generate power. In order to understand what physics meant within the National Catholic political order, we contrast the situation in the post-Civil War decades with the situation before the war. First we discuss how the war transformed the physicists' community, molding it around certain key fields. We then turn to the work of right-wing ideologues and conservative scientists and philosophers, who stressed the spiritual dimension of the discipline and argued for the integration of science into the Christian scheme of the world. The cultural realignment of the discipline coincided with the institutional changes that harnessed physics to the military and economic needs of the autarkic state, which we discuss in the final section. To conclude, we reflect upon the demise of autarkic physics in the late 1960s and the overall implications of our argument with regard to the development of physics in Spain

[spa] La presente Tesis doctoral se divide en tres bloques bien diferenciados: en el primero se trazan las líneas maestras de la realidad social, económica y política imperante en la provincia de Santa Cruz de Tenerife durante la primera mitad del siglo XX. En el segundo, se aborda el desarrollo de las instituciones políticas (municipales, insulares, provinciales y nacionales) a lo largo del periodo tomando como hilo conductor la supervivencia del clientelismo y el caciquismo sobre el que se asienta el sistema. En el tercero, se estudian todas las manifestaciones de oposición surgidas contra un régimen que margina y oprime a gran parte de la población, tanto en el campo como en la ciudad, aglutinando a todas las orientaciones políticas catalogadas bajo el, tan amplio como confuso, concepto de "izquierdas". Dentro de él tiene una relevancia especial el análisis y caracterización de la resistencia y represión surgida tras la sublevación militar del 18 de julio de 1936. ; [eng] Title of Thesis: THE PROVINCE OF SANTA CRUZ DE TENERIFE BETWEEN TWO DICTATORSHIPS (1923-1945). HUNGER AND ORDER. The doctoral thesis is divided into three blocks. In the first are traced the main points of the social, economic and political conditions in the province of Santa Cruz de Tenerife in the first half of the twentieth century. In the second section, is raised the development of political institutions (municipal, insular, provincial and national) during the examined period, taking as a common theme the survival of patronage system and chieftainship. In the third section, I study the opposition emerged against a regime that marginalizes the great majority of the population, both in the country and in the city, uniting all the political directions laid under the concept of the left-wing. The analysis of the repression emerged after the military uprising of July the 18th, 1936, has special relevance. The traditionally dominant class in the province (large landowners and merchants, enriched with the export of bananas) through its network of clientele, dominated all political structures in the province, since the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera. They kept political control during the Second Republic, holding back social reforms in areas where power was lost, and got involved in the coup of July the 18th, 1936, being restored back into the institutions that govern public life.

Este artículo analiza al Partido Demócrata Cristiano de Argentina y sus prácticas durante un período de la historia argentina reciente comprendido entre el inicio de la última dictadura y 1985, cuando después de haberse recuperado la democracia el partido volvió a recurrir a la estrategia frentista. Se indagan especificidades de esta organización con base doctrinaria cristiana pero no confesional, muy minoritaria pero con significativo impacto en la sociedad durante las postrimerías del régimen militar y la transición democrática temprana como defensor de los derechos humanos. La perspectiva elegida para organizar la narración ?basada fundamentalmente en la consulta de documentos partidarios, prensa política y de circulación masiva- es la del doble juego partidario -electoral y de régimen. Los resultados de la investigación realizada a partir de fuentes partidarias, periódicas, diarios de sesiones, entrevistas orales y testimonios escritos, sugieren matizar la caracterización de este partido como una organización de izquierda relativamente excepcional dentro del contexto latinoamericano. ; This article analyzes the Christian Democratic Party of Argentina and its practices during a period of recent Argentine history between the beginning of the last dictatorship and 1985, when, after the recovery of democracy, the party again resorted to the frentista strategy. The article investigates the specifics of this Christian, non-confessional organization that represented a small minority, but had a significant impact on society as a defender of human rights during the last years of the military regime and early democratic transition. The narrative is mainly based on party documents, political press and mass media. It is organized from the perspective of the two-party system and the regime. The results of the research based on party sources, periodicals, session diaries, oral interviews and written testimonies, suggest that this party ought to be characterized as a relatively exceptional left-wing organization within the Latin American context. ; Fil: Ferrari, Marcela Patricia. Universidad Nacional de Mar del Plata. Facultad de Humanidades. Departamento de Historia. Centro de Estudios Históricos; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Mar del Plata. Instituto de Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales. Universidad Nacional de Mar del Plata. Instituto de Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales; Argentina

La década 1966-76 no sólo fue turbulenta para Argentina en lo político, lo social y lo económico, sino también en las relaciones con Estados Unidos. Los distintos gobiernos de la autodenominada Revolución Argentina (1966-73) y del peronismo (1973-76), que volvió al poder después de una larga proscripción, protagonizaron acercamientos y roces con respecto con al país del Norte, hasta el golpe de Estado del 24 de marzo, apoyado por poderosos sectores en Washington. La creciente influencia de la Doctrina de Seguridad Nacional y la relación entre el Pentágono y las fuerzas armadas latinoamericanas marcó el vínculo de Estados Unidos con sus vecinos del sur en esos años. Argentina, históricamente refractaria a aceptar la hegemonía de Washington en el Cono Sur, protagonizó un inédito acercamiento bilateral, no exento de obstáculos y límites, vinculados a cuestiones comerciales, ideológicas, geopolíticas y hasta militares. En el presente artículo analizamos, como parte de una investigación realizada en los últimos años y que abrevó en archivos diplomáticos de ambos países, las distintas alternativas del vínculo bilateral, hasta el golpe de Estado que expulsó al peronismo del gobierno e inauguró la dictadura más sangrienta de la historia argentina. ; The decade 1966-1976 was for Argentina not only politically, socially and economically turbulent, but also in the relations with the United States. The dictators of the Revolución Argentina (1966-73) and the Peronist presidents (1973-76), which came to power after 18 years of proscription, staged approaches and conflicts with the United States until the coup of March 24, 1976, supported by powerful lobbies in Washington. The growing influence of the National Security Doctrine and the relationship between the Pentagon and the Latin American Armed Forces marked the U.S. relations with their southern neighbours. Argentina, historically reluctant to accept Washington's hegemony in the Southern Cone, push for an unprecedented bilateral approach, not without obstacles and limits, related to trade, ideological, geopolitical and even military issues. In this article we discuss, based on a research conducted in recent years in diplomatic archives from both countries, the bilateral relations alternatives, until the coup that inaugurated the bloodiest dictatorship in Argentine History. ; Fil: Morgenfeld, Leandro Ariel. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Cientificas y Tecnicas. Oficina de Coordinacion Administrativa Saavedra 15; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires; Argentina

El 60º aniversario de la carrera de sociología es una excelente oportunidad para revisar la valiosa contribución de quien fuera, a fines de la década del cincuenta del siglo veinte, uno de los principales impulsores de su creación en la Universidad de Buenos Aires, así como también uno de sus principales reconstructores finalizada la última dictadura cívico militar argentina (1976-1983). Nos referimos a Juan Carlos (Lito) Marín, pieza clave del desarrollo de la sociología como ciencia en Argentina. Profesor Honorario de la Universidad de Buenos Aires, Profesor Titular en la Carrera, Director del Programa de Investigaciones sobre Cambio Social (PICASO) en el Instituto Gino Germani, y - por sobre todas las cosas - maestro de varias generaciones de sociólogos, docentes e investigadores sociales. En este artículo se repasa la riqueza y originalidad de la producción investigativa, teórica, epistemológica y pedagógica realizada por Marín en la Facultad de Ciencias Sociales entre los años 1986 y 2014. ; The 60th anniversary of the sociology career is an excellent opportunity to review the valuable contribution of someone who, at the end of the fifties of the twentieth century, was one of the main promoters of its creation at the University of Buenos Aires, as well as one of its main reconstructors finalized the last Argentine military civic dictatorship (1976-1983). We refer to Juan Carlos (Lito) Marín, key piece of the development of sociology as a science in Argentina. Honorary Professor of the Universidad de Buenos Aires, Full Professor in the Career, Director of Programa de Investigaciones sobre Cambio Social (PICASO) at the Institute Gino Germani, and - above all - master of several generations of sociologists, teachers and social researchers.In this article we review the wealth and originality of the research, theoretical, epistemological and pedagogical production carried out by Marín in the Faculty of Social Sciences between 1986 and 2014. ; Fil: Anton, Gustavo. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina ; Fil: Forte, Gustavo. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales. Instituto de Investigaciones "Gino Germani"; Argentina ; Fil: Muleras, Edna Analia. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales. Instituto de Investigaciones "Gino Germani"; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina ; Fil: Kloster, Karina Beatriz. Universidad Autónoma de la Ciudad de México; México

Introduction. Red Soviet Cossacks were little studied by Soviet historical science, because their presence and number did not always correspond to the theory of class struggle. Most Cossacks opposed the Bolsheviks during the Civil War, but the Bolsheviks always tried to create their red Cossack military units. At first they tried to revive the old Cossack regiments of the tsarist army, but under the command of Soviet power supporters. Then they tried to mobilize the Cossacks in the Red army, but the mobilization did not give the expected result.

Materials. The source used materials from the Cossack Department of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the State Archive of the Russian Federation; funds of the Red Cossack units in the Red Army (23rd Infantry Division) – Russian State Military Archive; information material on the Cossack parts of the Russian State Archive of Social and Political History; similar documentation stored in the funds of the Center for Documentation of Contemporary History of Rostov Region. The author used publications of Bolshevist and anti-Bolshevist periodicals, which show how the Don Cossacks and their Bolsheviks and their opponents characterized the Red Don Cossacks.

Analysis. In summer 1918, the interest of Cossacks in economic relations with the cities of Central Russia played an important role, and some Cossack settlements supported the Bolsheviks in order not to break these economic contacts. Nevertheless, Cossack Soviet regiments were created by September–October, 1918. They consisted of volunteers, and their quantity was limited. In the documents of the Cossack Department of the Central Executive Committee we find refers to 4 Soviet Cossack regiments created in the first year after the October revolution. In fact, there were more Cossack units, but not all of them reached the number of a regiment. At the end of 1918, when the Red army launched the offensive, the number of Soviet Cossack regiments increased.

Results. When forming Soviet Cossack regiments, the Bolsheviks tried to use old organizational forms – to revive the Don Cossack regiments of the tsarist army, but under new leadership. It succeeded partially. The attempts to mobilize the Cossacks in the Red Army did not give the expected result. In the event of sharp changes in the situation at the front in favor of the enemy, the mobilized either switched to his side or went home. The basis of forming Soviet Cossack units in 1918 formed the principle of voluntariness. Soviet Cossack units were formed primarily under general democratic slogans and where there was no obvious conflict between Cossack and non- Cossack population. In 1918, while the Bolsheviks did not pursue the policy of food dictatorship and did not curtail trade, a significant role for the Red Cossacks was played by the factor of their economic ties with large Russian economic centers. Cossack regiments of the Red Army inherited the high fighting qualities of the Cossack units from the old tsarist army, maneuverability and stamina inherent to the Cossacks, as evidenced by the high score they were given by the representatives of the hostile camp.

'It is a lesson which all history teaches wise men, to put trust in ideas, and not in circumstances'.Ralph Waldo Emerson'It is precisely in times of national emergencies that civil liberties must be defended and protected most forcefully. If not, then governments will be given incentives to constantly create crises, or perceptions of crises, and declaring "official states of emergency" in order to grab more and more power and money and destroy more and more liberty and prosperity'.United States Supreme Court (Ex Parte Milligan. 1866)IntroductionSince the September 11 attacks, the notion of state of exception has been used in order to coin the legal and political repercussions of the 'War on Terror'. These, by being labeled within the state of emergency's legal -or extralegal- framework, have been able to be constitutionally justified and, also, ethically criticized. Proponents of draconian measures consider that, in certain circumstances, necessity dictates policies aimed at protecting the State from terrorist attacks. They deem terrorism an imminent and serious threat capable of destroying the institutions that give political cohesion to society. Denying, suspending and limiting certain individual rights amount to a lesser evil; compared to the, apparently, almost certain greater evil that terrorists embody. On the other hand, advocates of the inviolability of the rule of law believe that under any situation a democratic government should allow urgency and peril prevail over the constitutionally recognized political and human rights. For them, counterterrorism should not rely on extralegal actions 'legitimized' by the state of exception. The State already has the legal and adequate tools, provided by the police and criminal justice, to persecute terrorists. Democracies that recur to lesser evil arguments to fight terrorism always end up committing more damage that the one they were trying to prevent.This essay will analyze the state of exception by studying the legal and the political-social natures of it. Various arguments, in favor and against the exception, will be showcased by continuously referring to the War on Terror and its effects on the legal system and democracy. Lastly, a conclusion will address the importance of this debate in current politics and society. The State of ExceptionThe state of exception or emergency can be studied under two different kinds of views: the legal and the political-social ones. The former defines the state of emergency, within the various constitutional frameworks of current modern democracies, as a temporary measure that limits or suspends certain individual freedoms within the territory of the State . It is prompted by a critical and imminent, domestic or foreign, threat to the State's existence. Under this scenario, necessity overcomes the 'normal' rule of law. Consequentially, individual freedoms are limited while police, security and military agencies' powers are enhanced. The debate regarding the state of exception's legal aspect circles around the constitutionality of its enactment, the variety of faculties attributed to the State's security forces and, more importantly, the personal rights suspension's lawfulness. Politically and socially, the state of emergency is conceived either as the pivotal attribute that defines the sovereign body as such; or, either as the transitional step required for -'legitimately'- transforming a democracy into a dictatorship. The former perception links the state of exception with the concept of sovereigntyunderstood as the State's existence as an organized polity . The latter one considers any type of restriction to individual freedoms as a permanent damage to the fabrics of democracy . The Legal Nature of the State of Exception The legal, and political, origin of the state of emergency is to be found in ancient Roman law. According to the lex de dictatore creando, whenever the Roman Republic was in grave danger, the Senate designated an extraordinary magistrate that was invested with absolute and total authority over the Republic . Subsequently, a provisional dictatorship was instituted that lasted for six months or until the threat passed. The republican and the dictatorship authorities, to the Romans, were complementary; quite the opposite of how democracies and authoritarian regimes are understood today. However, Roman dictators quickly learned how to indefinitely prolong their authority by perpetuating foreign wars through the creation of an Empire.The institution of the Roman provisional dictatorship is the historical legal inception of the various types of state of emergency that are currently present within modern constitutions. Broadly speaking, in every constitution the state of exception is declared by the head of the executive power whenever the normal functions of the State's institutions are no longer guaranteed because of foreign attack or domestic unrest. Fundamental liberties and rights -such as habeas corpus, freedom of movement and public gathering among others- are suspended or severely restricted. In most cases, the executive is entitled to order the arrest of individuals and to set military commissions for their trials. The security forces' faculties are enhanced and the military is allowed to take on police activities. Depending on the country, the state of emergency could be declared to last for days, months or years and it can even be extended indefinitely number of times . The debate concerning the state of exception's legal aspect comprises three main issues: its constitutionality; the amount of power given to the security forces; and, the limits set on fundamental freedoms, individual rights and constitutional guarantees. The state of emergency's constitutional validity considers under which cases it can be declared. As stated before, it is necessity that calls for the establishment of exception. It is necessary to give to the executive branch of government extraordinary powers and authority in order to prevent the State's breakdown from an imminent and grave danger. This peril can be prompted by a domestic or foreign threat. The latter are not sufficiently, and narrowly, defined by modern constitutions. Normally, they invoke a military invasion by a foreign country or an internal insurrection; but both of them are broad cases and can be loosely interpreted. Taking the U.S. Constitution, for example, the state of emergency is only referred to in Article I, Section 9 where it states: 'The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it.'Therefore, only in the cases of rebellion –domestic threat- and invasion –foreign threat- the state of exception can be enacted. Regrettably, the Constitution does not define what constitutes a rebellion or an invasion. The task was left for legal experts and the Judiciary to tackle; but, it has not been easy or even coherent.The Supreme Court had the opportunity to take on the constitutionality of the state of emergency after President Lincoln had declared it in 1861 . In Ex Parte Milligan, it was decided that the suspension of the habeas corpus and the setting of military tribunals for citizens was unconstitutional because, even if a rebellion was in course, civilian courts were still operating. Additionally, the Supreme Court went even further by declaring that the theory of necessity, which justifies the state of exception, was false. It was argued that under the rule of law, guaranteed by the Constitution, the powers needed to protect the State's institutions are already set in place. Lastly, the Justices regarded the state of exception as a dangerous instrument that could only lead to despotism . Nevertheless, the Court did not pronounce itself about the issue of defining what constitutes a rebellion or invasion. Interestingly, even if it was deemed –correctly- that necessity never justifies the suspension of the rule of law, by not defining what constitutes an emergency, the Court considered the issue a political, and not a legal, matter . Rebellion and invasion remain broad, undefined, cases open to interpretation and to malleability by politics. In subsequent cases, the Supreme Court refrained itself from approaching the issue .The question of the security forces' enhanced powers, during the state of emergency, is a thornier one when compared to the former. Moreover, it is also deeply intertwined with the problem regarding limitations to fundamental liberties. During the state of exception the police and other security agencies are given extraordinary faculties aimed at facilitating the expedient resolution of the crisis. Therefore, they are allowed to search within premises without warrants, to arrest suspects without a court order, to hold individuals for a long period of time with no access to a lawyer or judge, to carry out aggressive interrogations, to set up wiretapping and close surveillance with no Judiciary control. Furthermore, it could also be the case that intelligence agencies and the military would be empowered to perform police and judicial activities. Since the declaration of the state of emergency by President George W. Bush, following 9/11, numerous enhanced and new attributes have been granted to the United States' security forces and agencies. Their faculties were augmented by several executive decrees and the three Patriot Acts. These pieces of legislation were said to be justified by the imminent and severe danger that terrorism embodied. But, are these prerogatives really needed to prevent future terrorist attacks? This is, of course, an endless debate; and one that again points out to the relationship between law and politics. As implied by the Supreme Court in Ex Parte Milligan, terrorists can be persecuted without declaring the state of emergency, by applying 'plain' criminal law and by letting the F.B.I -not the military- take the lead. To sum up, the 'normal' rule of law is perfectly suited for the task. However, depending on how terrorism is considered, as a war act or as a criminal one, is still a political issue.Just like in both the question of the constitutionality of the state of exception and the empowerment of security agencies, the concern regarding the suspension or restriction of fundamental liberties is one that is ascribed within the lesser evil debate. Legally, the selection between continuing the 'normal' rule of law or enacting the state of exception weights the possible damage that not acting would cause against the harm that limiting individual freedoms would produce . It is here where the legal concept of necessity comes into play. It is necessary to inflict or withstand a lesser evil in order to prevent a greater evil. This is the pragmatic view of constitutional freedoms: the risk of harming individual freedoms is a lesser one when compared to the possibility of not having any State that protects those liberties . The moral point of view argues that, by restricting constitutional freedoms, the State is causing an irreversible damage that may, quite possibly, be greater than the one that necessity is trying to avoid . When a state of exception is enacted the fundamental liberties that are suspended are, normally, the right to habeas corpus; freedom of movement; the right to public and private gathering; and the right to due process among others. The United States Government, during both the Bush and the Obama Administrations, restricted and suspended several individual freedoms and constitutionally guaranteed rights in order to effectively and speedily fight terrorism and avert further attacks. The rights to habeas corpus, to due process, to unnecessary cruel punishment and to trial by jury have been gravely and irreversibly hampered by the legalization of indefinite detention, targeted killing, aggressive interrogation and military tribunals respectively. In nearly all these cases, there is no chance of contradictory or revisionary procedures that would allow the dismissal of their establishment by proving their unfairness or unconstitutionality . The issue, maybe, is that they are not only unfair, but that they are unnecessary and cause permanent damage. Targeted killing and aggressive interrogation, which would be better labeled as targeted assassination and torture, are completely detrimental to the rule of law and set up dangerous precedents for the future. Since both measures have to be sanctioned, in each case, by the President and there is no possibility of revision, it could be argued that the executive is taking on the exclusive attributes of the other two branches of government. The check and balances system, designed to avoid despotic power, is totally disregarded in these cases . Here, the effects of necessity are clearly the greater evil.Depending on the country, the state of emergency or exception is labeled as martial law or state of siege (état de siège or estado de sitio). Both, however, share the same objectives and are justified by necessity. See Ignatieff, Michael; The Lesser Evil: Political Ethics in an Age of Terror; Princeton University Press; New York; 2004; pp. 25-28. Schmitt, Carl; Political Theology. Four Chapters on the Concept of Sovereignty; Chicago University Press; Chicago; 2005; pp. 5-6. See, Arendt, Hannah; 'Personal Responsibility under Dictatorship'; in Responsibility and Judgment; Kohn, Jerome (Ed.); Schocken Books; New York; 2003.Lintott, Andrew; The Constitution of the Roman Republic; Oxford University Press; Oxford; 1999; pp. 110.For example, in France l' état de siège can only last for 12 days, although the President is allowed to extend it for more time with the Parliament's confirmation. In the United States, the National Emergency Acts can only last for no more than two years, but the President is entitled to extend it for one more years indefinitely number of times by only notifying Congress of his decision. For the French case see Article 16 of the Constitution, available at http://www.vie-publique.fr/decouverte-institutions/institutions/approfondissements/pouvoirs-exceptionnels-du-president.html ; for the American case see the U.S. Code, Title 50, Chapter 34, available at http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/html/uscode50/usc_sup_01_50_10_34.html .See the United States Constitution, available at http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ampage?collId=llsl&fileName=001/llsl001.db&recNum=138See Neely, Mark; The Fate of Liberty: Abraham Lincoln and Civil Liberties; Oxford University Press; New York; 1991; pp. 179-184. See Ex parte Milligan, 71 U.S. 2 (1866); available at http://supreme.justia.com/us/71/2/case.htmlSee, Roche, John; Executive Power and Domestic Emergency: The Quest for Prerogative'; Western Political Quarterly; Vol. 5; N. 4; December 1952. See Ex Parte Quirin , 317 U.S. 1 (1942), which declared constitutional the military trials of German saboteurs during the Second World War in U.S. soil, available at http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/scripts/getcase.pl?court=us&vol=317&invol=1 ; Korematsu v. United States, 323 U.S. 214 (1944), which determined constitutional the Japanese Americans internment camps, available athttp://supreme.justia.com/us/323/214/case.html ; and, Boumediene v. Bush, 553 U.S. 723 (2008), where it was decided that all Guantanamo detainees had the right of habeas corpus, available at http://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/07pdf/06-1195.pdf The national emergency was declared through Proclamation 7463 available athttp://ra.defense.gov/documents/mobil/pdf/proclamation.pdfSee Ignatieff, Michael; The Lesser Evil: Political Ethics in an Age of Terror; Princeton University Press; New York; 2004; pp. 40-44.See, Posner, Richard; Law, Pragmatism and Democracy; Harvard University Press; Cambridge; 2003. It is also interesting to consider here Margaret Somers' Arendtian view of political rights versus human rights because the former are recognized and protected by the State. See Somers, Margaret; Genealogies of Citizenship: Markets, Statelessness, and the Right to Have Rights; Cambridge University Press; Cambridge; 2008.See Dworkin, Ronald; Freedom's Law: The Moral Reading of the Constitution; Harvard University Press; Cambridge; 1996.Only regarding the cases of the restriction of habeas corpus and the setting up of military tribunals has the Supreme Court been able to declare their unconstitutionality and illegality. See Hamdi v. Rumsfeld, 542 U.S. 507 (2004) and Hamdan v. Rumsfeld, 548 U.S. 557 (2006); both available athttp://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/scripts/getcase.pl?court=US&vol=000&invol=03-6696&friend andhttp://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/05pdf/05-184.pdf respectively.For a better and more detailed analysis of the legality or illegality of targeted killings and torture see Banks, William; 'Targeted Killing and Assassination: the U.S. Legal Framework'; University of Richmond Law Review; Vol. 37; N. 667; 2002-2003; Dershowitz, Alan; 'When All Else Fails, Why not Torture?'; American Legion Magazine; July 2002; Blum, Gabriella, and Heymann, Philip; 'Law and Policy of Targeted Killing'; The Harvard National Security Journal; Vol. 2, Issue 2; 2010; and Hamdan v. Rumsfeld, 548 U.S. 557 (2006). *Estudiante de Doctorado, New School for Social Research, New YorkMaestría en Estudios Internacionales, Universidad Torcuato Di Tella, Buenos AiresÁrea de Especialización: Procesos de formación del Estado moderno, sociología de la guerra, terrorismo, genocidio, conflictos étnicos, nacionalismos y minorías.

As host city of the FIFA World Cup in 2014 and Olympic Games in 2016, municipality of Rio de Janeiro seeks to respond to international expectations in terms of urban planning and security. Favelas, which have often been considered as an « urban problem », are at the heart of the public actions. Despite several eradication attempts during the military dictatorship, especially in wealthy areas of the city, the favelas have increased and are now subject of security and urbanization policies. For efficiency, public policies are rethought in a territorialised way, reinforcing public-private partnerships and the participation of the civil society. It pretends to remove the favelas of a situation of exception by introducing standards and urban amenities similar to formal neighborhoods (infrastructure, equipment, services, etc.). With very high crime rates, security is a challenge for the city. In 2008, the Public Security Secretariat of the State of Rio de Janeiro developed the so-called "pacification" policy, aiming at regaining control of the territories dominated by criminal groups, and at improving relations between the population and the police force, with the establishment of permanent Police Pacification Units (UPP). If the living conditions in the favelas are improving, these new public actions, however, show contrasted results : a new outbreak of confrontations in pacified favelas, between traffickers and police officers has contributed to reinforcing the feeling of insecurity of favelas residents. Moreover, valuation process and even gentrification, observed in some pacified favelas open up new opportunities to residents, but because of the price increase some of them are forced to move away. More generally, acceleration of urban transformations in the context of mega-events could modify the socio- spatial organization of the city (population displacements; transport infrastructure works, sports facilities construction, etc.). Focusing more specifically on two recently pacified favelas, Rocinha and Vidigal, located near wealthiest and most tourist areas of Rio de Janeiro, we seek to highlight the socio- spatial transformations and the effects of territorialised public actions. ; En tant que ville-hôte de la Coupe du Monde de Football en 2014 et des Jeux Olympiques en 2016, la municipalité de Rio de Janeiro tente de répondre aux attentes internationales concernant les enjeux de planification urbaine et de sécurité. Au cœur des actions publiques se trouvent des espaces longtemps considérés comme un « problème urbain » : les favelas. Malgré plusieurs tentatives d'éradication durant la dictature militaire, principalement dans les zones aisées de la ville, elles se sont multipliées et font aujourd'hui l'objet de politiques de sécurisation et d'urbanisation. Pour plus d'efficacité, les politiques publiques se territorialisent, favorisent les partenariats public-privé et la participation de la société civile. Il s'agit de faire sortir les favelas d'une situation d'exception en y introduisant les normes et les aménités urbaines similaires aux quartiers formels (infrastructures, équipements, services, etc.). Avec des taux de criminalité très élevés, la sécurité est un défi posé à la ville. Aussi, depuis 2008, une nouvelle politique de sécurité a été mise en place : la pacification, visant à reprendre le contrôle des territoires dominés par des groupes criminels et à améliorer les rapports entre la population et les policiers en mettant en place une occupation permanente par des Unités de Police de Pacification (UPP). Si les conditions de vie dans les favelas s'améliorent, ces nouvelles actions publiques affichent toutefois des résultats contrastés : la recrudescence de confrontations entre policiers et trafiquants dans certaines favelas pacifiées a contribué à renforcer le sentiment d'insécurité des habitants. De plus, le processus de valorisation, voire de gentrification, observé dans certaines favelas pacifiées offrirait à la fois de nouvelles opportunités aux habitants, mais, face à l'augmentation des prix, certains sont contraints à déménager. Plus généralement, l'accélération des transformations urbaines dans le contexte des méga-événements peut bouleverser l'organisation socio-spatiale de la ville (déplacements de population, travaux d'infrastructure de transport, construction d'équipements sportifs, etc.). En s'intéressant plus spécifiquement à deux favelas récemment pacifiées, Rocinha et Vidigal, situées à proximité des quartiers les plus aisés et touristiques de Rio de Janeiro, nous cherchons à mettre en lumière les transformations socio-spatiales et les effets des actions publiques territorialisées. ; Como cidade-sede da Copa do Mundo FIFA em 2014 e dos Jogos Olímpicos em 2016, a municipalidade do Rio de Janeiro procura atender as expectativas internacionais em termos de planejamento urbano e de segurança. No centro das ações publicas se encontram áreas que foram consideradas durante muito tempo como um " problema urbano " : as favelas. Apesar de várias tentativas de erradicação na época da ditadura, especialmente nas áreas mais ricas da cidade, elas multiplicaram-se e são agora objeto de políticas de segurança e urbanização. Para mais eficiência, as políticas públicas se territorializam, e promovem parcerias público-privadas e a participação da sociedade civil. Trata-se da saída das favelas duma situação de exceção através da introdução de normas e amenidades urbanas semelhantes aos bairros formais (infra-estruturas, equipamentos, serviços, etc.). Com índices de criminalidade muito altos, a segurança é um desafio para a cidade. Assim, desde 2008, uma nova política de segurança está sendo implantada : a pacificação, para tentar recuperar territórios dominados por grupos criminosos e melhorar as relações entre a população e a polícia através de uma ocupação permanente das Unidades de Polícia Pacificadora (UPP). Se as condições de vida nas favelas estão melhorando, essas novas ações públicas, no entanto, mostram resultados contrastados : o aumento de confrontos entre a polícia e traficantes em algumas favelas pacificadas contribuiu para reforçar o sentimento de insegurança dos moradores. Além disso, o processo de valorização até mesmo de gentrificação, observado em algumas favelas pacificadas iria oferecer novas oportunidades para alguns moradores, mas por causa do aumento dos preços, algums deles têm que se remover. Dum modo mais geral, as accelerações das transformações urbanas no contexto dos mega-eventos pode modificar a organização sócio-espacial da cidade (remoções, obras de infra-estrutura de transporte, construção de instalações esportivas, etc.). Centrando-se mais especificamente em duas favelas recentemente pacificadas, Rocinha e Vidigal, localizadas perto das áreas mais ricas e turísticas do Rio de Janeiro, procuramos destacar as transformações sócio-espaciais e os efeitos das ações públicas territorializadas.

As host city of the FIFA World Cup in 2014 and Olympic Games in 2016, municipality of Rio de Janeiro seeks to respond to international expectations in terms of urban planning and security. Favelas, which have often been considered as an « urban problem », are at the heart of the public actions. Despite several eradication attempts during the military dictatorship, especially in wealthy areas of the city, the favelas have increased and are now subject of security and urbanization policies. For efficiency, public policies are rethought in a territorialised way, reinforcing public-private partnerships and the participation of the civil society. It pretends to remove the favelas of a situation of exception by introducing standards and urban amenities similar to formal neighborhoods (infrastructure, equipment, services, etc.). With very high crime rates, security is a challenge for the city. In 2008, the Public Security Secretariat of the State of Rio de Janeiro developed the so-called "pacification" policy, aiming at regaining control of the territories dominated by criminal groups, and at improving relations between the population and the police force, with the establishment of permanent Police Pacification Units (UPP). If the living conditions in the favelas are improving, these new public actions, however, show contrasted results : a new outbreak of confrontations in pacified favelas, between traffickers and police officers has contributed to reinforcing the feeling of insecurity of favelas residents. Moreover, valuation process and even gentrification, observed in some pacified favelas open up new opportunities to residents, but because of the price increase some of them are forced to move away. More generally, acceleration of urban transformations in the context of mega-events could modify the socio- spatial organization of the city (population displacements; transport infrastructure works, sports facilities construction, etc.). Focusing more specifically on two recently pacified favelas, Rocinha and Vidigal, located near wealthiest and most tourist areas of Rio de Janeiro, we seek to highlight the socio- spatial transformations and the effects of territorialised public actions. ; En tant que ville-hôte de la Coupe du Monde de Football en 2014 et des Jeux Olympiques en 2016, la municipalité de Rio de Janeiro tente de répondre aux attentes internationales concernant les enjeux de planification urbaine et de sécurité. Au cœur des actions publiques se trouvent des espaces longtemps considérés comme un « problème urbain » : les favelas. Malgré plusieurs tentatives d'éradication durant la dictature militaire, principalement dans les zones aisées de la ville, elles se sont multipliées et font aujourd'hui l'objet de politiques de sécurisation et d'urbanisation. Pour plus d'efficacité, les politiques publiques se territorialisent, favorisent les partenariats public-privé et la participation de la société civile. Il s'agit de faire sortir les favelas d'une situation d'exception en y introduisant les normes et les aménités urbaines similaires aux quartiers formels (infrastructures, équipements, services, etc.). Avec des taux de criminalité très élevés, la sécurité est un défi posé à la ville. Aussi, depuis 2008, une nouvelle politique de sécurité a été mise en place : la pacification, visant à reprendre le contrôle des territoires dominés par des groupes criminels et à améliorer les rapports entre la population et les policiers en mettant en place une occupation permanente par des Unités de Police de Pacification (UPP). Si les conditions de vie dans les favelas s'améliorent, ces nouvelles actions publiques affichent toutefois des résultats contrastés : la recrudescence de confrontations entre policiers et trafiquants dans certaines favelas pacifiées a contribué à renforcer le sentiment d'insécurité des habitants. De plus, le processus de valorisation, voire de gentrification, observé dans certaines favelas pacifiées offrirait à la fois de nouvelles opportunités aux habitants, mais, face à l'augmentation des prix, certains sont contraints à déménager. Plus généralement, l'accélération des transformations urbaines dans le contexte des méga-événements peut bouleverser l'organisation socio-spatiale de la ville (déplacements de population, travaux d'infrastructure de transport, construction d'équipements sportifs, etc.). En s'intéressant plus spécifiquement à deux favelas récemment pacifiées, Rocinha et Vidigal, situées à proximité des quartiers les plus aisés et touristiques de Rio de Janeiro, nous cherchons à mettre en lumière les transformations socio-spatiales et les effets des actions publiques territorialisées. ; Como cidade-sede da Copa do Mundo FIFA em 2014 e dos Jogos Olímpicos em 2016, a municipalidade do Rio de Janeiro procura atender as expectativas internacionais em termos de planejamento urbano e de segurança. No centro das ações publicas se encontram áreas que foram consideradas durante muito tempo como um " problema urbano " : as favelas. Apesar de várias tentativas de erradicação na época da ditadura, especialmente nas áreas mais ricas da cidade, elas multiplicaram-se e são agora objeto de políticas de segurança e urbanização. Para mais eficiência, as políticas públicas se territorializam, e promovem parcerias público-privadas e a participação da sociedade civil. Trata-se da saída das favelas duma situação de exceção através da introdução de normas e amenidades urbanas semelhantes aos bairros formais (infra-estruturas, equipamentos, serviços, etc.). Com índices de criminalidade muito altos, a segurança é um desafio para a cidade. Assim, desde 2008, uma nova política de segurança está sendo implantada : a pacificação, para tentar recuperar territórios dominados por grupos criminosos e melhorar as relações entre a população e a polícia através de uma ocupação permanente das Unidades de Polícia Pacificadora (UPP). Se as condições de vida nas favelas estão melhorando, essas novas ações públicas, no entanto, mostram resultados contrastados : o aumento de confrontos entre a polícia e traficantes em algumas favelas pacificadas contribuiu para reforçar o sentimento de insegurança dos moradores. Além disso, o processo de valorização até mesmo de gentrificação, observado em algumas favelas pacificadas iria oferecer novas oportunidades para alguns moradores, mas por causa do aumento dos preços, algums deles têm que se remover. Dum modo mais geral, as accelerações das transformações urbanas no contexto dos mega-eventos pode modificar a organização sócio-espacial da cidade (remoções, obras de infra-estrutura de transporte, construção de instalações esportivas, etc.). Centrando-se mais especificamente em duas favelas recentemente pacificadas, Rocinha e Vidigal, localizadas perto das áreas mais ricas e turísticas do Rio de Janeiro, procuramos destacar as transformações sócio-espaciais e os efeitos das ações públicas territorializadas.

As host city of the FIFA World Cup in 2014 and Olympic Games in 2016, municipality of Rio de Janeiro seeks to respond to international expectations in terms of urban planning and security. Favelas, which have often been considered as an « urban problem », are at the heart of the public actions. Despite several eradication attempts during the military dictatorship, especially in wealthy areas of the city, the favelas have increased and are now subject of security and urbanization policies. For efficiency, public policies are rethought in a territorialised way, reinforcing public-private partnerships and the participation of the civil society. It pretends to remove the favelas of a situation of exception by introducing standards and urban amenities similar to formal neighborhoods (infrastructure, equipment, services, etc.). With very high crime rates, security is a challenge for the city. In 2008, the Public Security Secretariat of the State of Rio de Janeiro developed the so-called "pacification" policy, aiming at regaining control of the territories dominated by criminal groups, and at improving relations between the population and the police force, with the establishment of permanent Police Pacification Units (UPP). If the living conditions in the favelas are improving, these new public actions, however, show contrasted results : a new outbreak of confrontations in pacified favelas, between traffickers and police officers has contributed to reinforcing the feeling of insecurity of favelas residents. Moreover, valuation process and even gentrification, observed in some pacified favelas open up new opportunities to residents, but because of the price increase some of them are forced to move away. More generally, acceleration of urban transformations in the context of mega-events could modify the socio- spatial organization of the city (population displacements; transport infrastructure works, sports facilities construction, etc.). Focusing more specifically on two recently pacified favelas, Rocinha and Vidigal, located near wealthiest and most tourist areas of Rio de Janeiro, we seek to highlight the socio- spatial transformations and the effects of territorialised public actions. ; En tant que ville-hôte de la Coupe du Monde de Football en 2014 et des Jeux Olympiques en 2016, la municipalité de Rio de Janeiro tente de répondre aux attentes internationales concernant les enjeux de planification urbaine et de sécurité. Au cœur des actions publiques se trouvent des espaces longtemps considérés comme un « problème urbain » : les favelas. Malgré plusieurs tentatives d'éradication durant la dictature militaire, principalement dans les zones aisées de la ville, elles se sont multipliées et font aujourd'hui l'objet de politiques de sécurisation et d'urbanisation. Pour plus d'efficacité, les politiques publiques se territorialisent, favorisent les partenariats public-privé et la participation de la société civile. Il s'agit de faire sortir les favelas d'une situation d'exception en y introduisant les normes et les aménités urbaines similaires aux quartiers formels (infrastructures, équipements, services, etc.). Avec des taux de criminalité très élevés, la sécurité est un défi posé à la ville. Aussi, depuis 2008, une nouvelle politique de sécurité a été mise en place : la pacification, visant à reprendre le contrôle des territoires dominés par des groupes criminels et à améliorer les rapports entre la population et les policiers en mettant en place une occupation permanente par des Unités de Police de Pacification (UPP). Si les conditions de vie dans les favelas s'améliorent, ces nouvelles actions publiques affichent toutefois des résultats contrastés : la recrudescence de confrontations entre policiers et trafiquants dans certaines favelas pacifiées a contribué à renforcer le sentiment d'insécurité des habitants. De plus, le processus de valorisation, voire de gentrification, observé dans certaines favelas pacifiées offrirait à la fois de nouvelles opportunités aux habitants, mais, face à l'augmentation des prix, certains sont contraints à déménager. Plus généralement, l'accélération des transformations urbaines dans le contexte des méga-événements peut bouleverser l'organisation socio-spatiale de la ville (déplacements de population, travaux d'infrastructure de transport, construction d'équipements sportifs, etc.). En s'intéressant plus spécifiquement à deux favelas récemment pacifiées, Rocinha et Vidigal, situées à proximité des quartiers les plus aisés et touristiques de Rio de Janeiro, nous cherchons à mettre en lumière les transformations socio-spatiales et les effets des actions publiques territorialisées. ; Como cidade-sede da Copa do Mundo FIFA em 2014 e dos Jogos Olímpicos em 2016, a municipalidade do Rio de Janeiro procura atender as expectativas internacionais em termos de planejamento urbano e de segurança. No centro das ações publicas se encontram áreas que foram consideradas durante muito tempo como um " problema urbano " : as favelas. Apesar de várias tentativas de erradicação na época da ditadura, especialmente nas áreas mais ricas da cidade, elas multiplicaram-se e são agora objeto de políticas de segurança e urbanização. Para mais eficiência, as políticas públicas se territorializam, e promovem parcerias público-privadas e a participação da sociedade civil. Trata-se da saída das favelas duma situação de exceção através da introdução de normas e amenidades urbanas semelhantes aos bairros formais (infra-estruturas, equipamentos, serviços, etc.). Com índices de criminalidade muito altos, a segurança é um desafio para a cidade. Assim, desde 2008, uma nova política de segurança está sendo implantada : a pacificação, para tentar recuperar territórios dominados por grupos criminosos e melhorar as relações entre a população e a polícia através de uma ocupação permanente das Unidades de Polícia Pacificadora (UPP). Se as condições de vida nas favelas estão melhorando, essas novas ações públicas, no entanto, mostram resultados contrastados : o aumento de confrontos entre a polícia e traficantes em algumas favelas pacificadas contribuiu para reforçar o sentimento de insegurança dos moradores. Além disso, o processo de valorização até mesmo de gentrificação, observado em algumas favelas pacificadas iria oferecer novas oportunidades para alguns moradores, mas por causa do aumento dos preços, algums deles têm que se remover. Dum modo mais geral, as accelerações das transformações urbanas no contexto dos mega-eventos pode modificar a organização sócio-espacial da cidade (remoções, obras de infra-estrutura de transporte, construção de instalações esportivas, etc.). Centrando-se mais especificamente em duas favelas recentemente pacificadas, Rocinha e Vidigal, localizadas perto das áreas mais ricas e turísticas do Rio de Janeiro, procuramos destacar as transformações sócio-espaciais e os efeitos das ações públicas territorializadas.

As host city of the FIFA World Cup in 2014 and Olympic Games in 2016, municipality of Rio de Janeiro seeks to respond to international expectations in terms of urban planning and security. Favelas, which have often been considered as an « urban problem », are at the heart of the public actions. Despite several eradication attempts during the military dictatorship, especially in wealthy areas of the city, the favelas have increased and are now subject of security and urbanization policies. For efficiency, public policies are rethought in a territorialised way, reinforcing public-private partnerships and the participation of the civil society. It pretends to remove the favelas of a situation of exception by introducing standards and urban amenities similar to formal neighborhoods (infrastructure, equipment, services, etc.). With very high crime rates, security is a challenge for the city. In 2008, the Public Security Secretariat of the State of Rio de Janeiro developed the so-called "pacification" policy, aiming at regaining control of the territories dominated by criminal groups, and at improving relations between the population and the police force, with the establishment of permanent Police Pacification Units (UPP). If the living conditions in the favelas are improving, these new public actions, however, show contrasted results : a new outbreak of confrontations in pacified favelas, between traffickers and police officers has contributed to reinforcing the feeling of insecurity of favelas residents. Moreover, valuation process and even gentrification, observed in some pacified favelas open up new opportunities to residents, but because of the price increase some of them are forced to move away. More generally, acceleration of urban transformations in the context of mega-events could modify the socio- spatial organization of the city (population displacements; transport infrastructure works, sports facilities construction, etc.). Focusing more specifically on two recently pacified favelas, Rocinha and Vidigal, located near wealthiest and most tourist areas of Rio de Janeiro, we seek to highlight the socio- spatial transformations and the effects of territorialised public actions. ; En tant que ville-hôte de la Coupe du Monde de Football en 2014 et des Jeux Olympiques en 2016, la municipalité de Rio de Janeiro tente de répondre aux attentes internationales concernant les enjeux de planification urbaine et de sécurité. Au cœur des actions publiques se trouvent des espaces longtemps considérés comme un « problème urbain » : les favelas. Malgré plusieurs tentatives d'éradication durant la dictature militaire, principalement dans les zones aisées de la ville, elles se sont multipliées et font aujourd'hui l'objet de politiques de sécurisation et d'urbanisation. Pour plus d'efficacité, les politiques publiques se territorialisent, favorisent les partenariats public-privé et la participation de la société civile. Il s'agit de faire sortir les favelas d'une situation d'exception en y introduisant les normes et les aménités urbaines similaires aux quartiers formels (infrastructures, équipements, services, etc.). Avec des taux de criminalité très élevés, la sécurité est un défi posé à la ville. Aussi, depuis 2008, une nouvelle politique de sécurité a été mise en place : la pacification, visant à reprendre le contrôle des territoires dominés par des groupes criminels et à améliorer les rapports entre la population et les policiers en mettant en place une occupation permanente par des Unités de Police de Pacification (UPP). Si les conditions de vie dans les favelas s'améliorent, ces nouvelles actions publiques affichent toutefois des résultats contrastés : la recrudescence de confrontations entre policiers et trafiquants dans certaines favelas pacifiées a contribué à renforcer le sentiment d'insécurité des habitants. De plus, le processus de valorisation, voire de gentrification, observé dans certaines favelas pacifiées offrirait à la fois de nouvelles opportunités aux habitants, mais, face à l'augmentation des prix, certains sont contraints à déménager. Plus généralement, l'accélération des transformations urbaines dans le contexte des méga-événements peut bouleverser l'organisation socio-spatiale de la ville (déplacements de population, travaux d'infrastructure de transport, construction d'équipements sportifs, etc.). En s'intéressant plus spécifiquement à deux favelas récemment pacifiées, Rocinha et Vidigal, situées à proximité des quartiers les plus aisés et touristiques de Rio de Janeiro, nous cherchons à mettre en lumière les transformations socio-spatiales et les effets des actions publiques territorialisées. ; Como cidade-sede da Copa do Mundo FIFA em 2014 e dos Jogos Olímpicos em 2016, a municipalidade do Rio de Janeiro procura atender as expectativas internacionais em termos de planejamento urbano e de segurança. No centro das ações publicas se encontram áreas que foram consideradas durante muito tempo como um " problema urbano " : as favelas. Apesar de várias tentativas de erradicação na época da ditadura, especialmente nas áreas mais ricas da cidade, elas multiplicaram-se e são agora objeto de políticas de segurança e urbanização. Para mais eficiência, as políticas públicas se territorializam, e promovem parcerias público-privadas e a participação da sociedade civil. Trata-se da saída das favelas duma situação de exceção através da introdução de normas e amenidades urbanas semelhantes aos bairros formais (infra-estruturas, equipamentos, serviços, etc.). Com índices de criminalidade muito altos, a segurança é um desafio para a cidade. Assim, desde 2008, uma nova política de segurança está sendo implantada : a pacificação, para tentar recuperar territórios dominados por grupos criminosos e melhorar as relações entre a população e a polícia através de uma ocupação permanente das Unidades de Polícia Pacificadora (UPP). Se as condições de vida nas favelas estão melhorando, essas novas ações públicas, no entanto, mostram resultados contrastados : o aumento de confrontos entre a polícia e traficantes em algumas favelas pacificadas contribuiu para reforçar o sentimento de insegurança dos moradores. Além disso, o processo de valorização até mesmo de gentrificação, observado em algumas favelas pacificadas iria oferecer novas oportunidades para alguns moradores, mas por causa do aumento dos preços, algums deles têm que se remover. Dum modo mais geral, as accelerações das transformações urbanas no contexto dos mega-eventos pode modificar a organização sócio-espacial da cidade (remoções, obras de infra-estrutura de transporte, construção de instalações esportivas, etc.). Centrando-se mais especificamente em duas favelas recentemente pacificadas, Rocinha e Vidigal, localizadas perto das áreas mais ricas e turísticas do Rio de Janeiro, procuramos destacar as transformações sócio-espaciais e os efeitos das ações públicas territorializadas.

La contribución de los diarios La Nación y Clarín con el golpe cívico militar de 1976 en la Argentina y la legitimación del terrorismo de Estado como método para aniquilar a la "subversión" y para restaurar el "orden", particularidad a la que hemos denominado "periodismo hermesiano", los convirtió en primer término en socios ideológicos de la dictadura. Este vínculo inicialmente virtual, encontraría su materialidad a partir de la conformación de la empresa productora de papel para diarios Papel Prensa S.A., en la cual se convertirían en socios económicos. En carácter de tales aceptaron y justificaron la supresión de los derechos políticos y sociales y las restricciones a la libertad de prensa, así como también acompañaron la posición de la dictadura argentina frente a su par chilena en el diferendo por el Beagle. La recuperación temporaria de las Islas Malvinas entre el 2 de abril y el 14 de junio de 1982, si bien fue tratada de manera dispar en términos cuantitativos por ambos (La Nación70 editoriales, Clarín 30) ambos coincidieron en jerarquizar, antes que el día a día de los acontecimientos bélicos, una serie de tópicos destinados a fortalecer identificaciones colectivas y a poner en la agenda ciertas temáticas vinculadas con el futuro institucional del país para contribuir a enderezar el rumbo político en la posguerra tanto en el orden interno, cuanto en el orden internacional. ; The contribution of the daily La Nacion and Clarin with civic military coup in 1976 in Argentina and the legitimation of state terrorism as a method to annihilate the "subersion" and restore "order" feature that we call "journalism hermesiano", I became the first term in ideological partners of the dictatorship. This virtual link initially, would fin its material from the conformation from the company producing newsprint Newsprint SA, which woud become economic partners. In such character they accepted and justified the suppression of political and social rights and restrictions on press, and also they accompanied the position of the Argentina dictatorship against its Chilean counterpart in the dispute over the Beagle. The temporary recovery of the Malvinas Islands between April 2 and June 14, 1982, but was treated unevenly both in quantitative terms (La Nacion 70 publishers, Clarin 30) both agreed hierarchy, rather than the day to day of the war events, a number of topics aimed at strengthening collective identifications and put on the agenda certain issues related linked to the institutional future of the country to help straighten out the political direction in the postwar both internally, as in the international order. ; A contribuicao dos jornais La Nacion e Clarin com o golpe civico-militar, de 1976 na Argentina, bem como o discurso de legitimidade do terrorismo de Estado como um metodo para aniquilar a "subversao" e para restaurar a "ordem", que chamamos de "jornalismo hermesiano", tornou-os parceiros na ditadura ideologica. Este vinculo inicialmente virtual, encontraria sua materialidade a partir da formacao da empresa produtora de papel de jornal Papel Prensa S.A ., que os tornariam parceiros economicos. Nesse contexto, que aceita e justifica a supressao dos direitos e restricoes politicas e sociais a liberdade de imprensa e tambem acompanhou a posicao da ditadura Argentina contra o seu homologo chileno na disputa sobre o Beagle . A recuperacao temporaria das Ilhas Malvinas entre 2 de abril e 14 de junho de 1982, foi tratado de forma desigual em termos quantitativos por ambos (os editores de Nacion 70, Clarin 30) ambos coincidiram em hierarquia, com elementos do dia-a-dia dos eventos de guerra, uma serie de topicos que visam reforcar identificacoes coletivas e colocar na ordem do dia determinadas questoes relacionadas com o futuro institucional do pais para ajudar a endireitar o rumo politico na guerra, tanto na ordem interna, como na ordem internacional. ; Facultad de Periodismo y Comunicación Social ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

The problems of newspapers, radio and TV in Greece today The murder on 19 March 1983 of George Athanassiades, publisher of the conservative newspaper Vradyni, profoundly disturbed Greek political life. It is one of a sequence of incidents which appear to have been engineered to destabilise democracy in a manner which is reminiscent of events preceding the Colonels' coup in April 1967. On the last weekend in February there was a security scare which caused the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) government to put the police and army on the alert. It is not clear whether some terrorist action or a coup plot had been uncovered but, as well as the security forces, the civilian political defence mechanisms of the communist and socialist parties were mobilised. This involved party activists gathering at vital centres such as telephone exchanges with a view to taking control if necessary. The manoeuvre infuriated New Democracy opposition leader Evangelos Averoff, who believes that PASOK is a socialist dog wagged by its Marxist tail and that if this faction were ever to gain control of the party it would seek to establish a one-party state. When Mr Athanassiades was shot by a lone assailant, Mr Averoff instantly dubbed the killing an assassination and accused the government of having cultivated a climate of hatred and terrorism which provoked such actions. He called on Prime Minister Andreas Papandreou to resign. The government and some members of Mr Averoff's own party believe the tenor of his denunciation was excessive and further contributed to the tension. Tens of thousands of right-wing protestors turned Mr Athanassiades' funeral into a rowdy anti-government demonstration. The situation was exacerbated two weeks later when three bombs ripped through a hotel at Didymotikhon near the Turkish border where 80 members of New Democracy were attending a banquet. A chance extension of the proceedings kept party members away from the site of the blasts, otherwise dozens of people could have been killed. A note purporting to come from a group called the Organisation of Anti-Military Struggle claimed Mr Athanassiades was killed because Vradyni had made light of a number of unexplained suicides among military conscripts. The organisation threatened action against other publishers and journalists if they continued to ignore the 'appalling' conditions in the army. The note implied left-wing inspiration for the killing. Pro-government newspapers have suggested that the killing may have been the work of remnants of the Military Police (ESA), the dictatorship's political enforcers with whom Mr Anthanassiades had a running feud. ESA twice closed the paper and, after the restoration of political government, Vradyni published exposés of the unit's torture tactics. The Athens police have intimated that the killing may have been carried out by the same people who murdered CIA station chief Richard Welch outside his home in 1975, an unsolved crime which appears to have been carried out by professionals. This note on the state of the Greek press in the wake of the election of the socialist PASOK government in October 1981 is a postscript to Pillar & Tinderbox, my book for Writers & Scholars Educational Trust/Index on Censorship, which examines the media under the dictatorship (1967-74) and during the seven years of conservative government which followed. In it I suggested among other things that the press is a microcosm of the state of public life. The thesis of the article which follows is that, following the orderly transition of power from conservatives to socialists, much of the passion of the press has dissipated. There is an increasingly industrial outlook, profits are taking priority over politics. Newspapers are slowly becoming infused with the grey, statistical mentality — a by-product of membership of the European Community — an attitude which, however dull, encourages stability. One can only hope the recent flare-up is a temporary aberration.