Suchergebnisse

Each year the Education Oversight Committee writes a list of objectives for the following year. The 2002-2003 objectives include Advocate legislation and align budget recommendations to implement systems and structures to ensure that there is a highly qualified teacher in every classroom and highly qualified leaders in schools and districts ; Define sufficient funding for schools and develop models for shared responsibility between state and local governments ; Increase the level of parental, community and political engagement in and support of school improvement so that all children have an opportunity to achieve at the highest levels.

The relationship between church & state in Germany has been conditioned by the centuries-long history of state Christianity & the struggle for the independence of the churches over & against the state. The churches won their critical power against the state's power in their opposition to Hitler's dictatorship & the totalitarian Weltanschauung of national socialism. Since the division of the two German states in 1961, a "church in socialism" has developed in the German Democratic Republic. In the Federal Republic of Germany, the Catholic & Evangelical churches are further developing themselves along the lines of a church for the people (Volkskirche). Repeated questioning of this understanding of the church's nature has resulted in the development of a critical distance between the churches, on the one hand, & the claims & the political religion of the state, on the other. HA

Focusing on Australia, Canada, and New Zealand, Religious Education and the Anglo-World historiographically examines the relationship between empire and religious education. The analysis centres on three formative eras in the development of religious education in each case: firstly, the foundational moments of publicly funded education in the mid- to late nineteenth centuries when policy makers created largely Protestant systems of religious education, and frequently denied Roman Catholics funding for private education. Secondly, the period from 1880-1960 during which campaigns to strengthen religious education emerged in each context. Finally, the era of decolonisation from the 1960s through the 1980s when publicly funded religious education was challenged by the loss of Britishness as a central ideal, and Roman Catholics found unprecedented success in achieving state aid in many cases. By bringing these disparate national literatures into conversation with one another, Stephen Jackson calls for a greater transnational approach to the study of religious education in the Anglo-World

This is an introductory text which defines the field and sets out the parameters of state crime in all its forms: state violence, corruption, transnational crime, state involvement in corporate crime, in avoidable "natural" disasters, torture and illegal punishment, criminal policing, war crimes and genocide. It incorporates a thorough review of the themes, issues, and debates central to the existing literature on state crime, drawn from a range of disciplines, including criminology, human rights, international relations and political science; and develops a theoretical approach to understanding the boundaries of state crime in relation to both deviance and human rights. A distinctive feature of the book is its original empirical research which uses diverse international and thematically organized case-studies to inform it

Women state legislators in the United States in 2001 are more liberal in their political ideology and policy attitudes than their male colleagues, just as they were in 1988. Nevertheless, a notable change is evident in the ideological predispositions of Republican Party women, especially in the lower houses of the legislatures. Republican women representatives in 2001 are more conservative and more like their male counterparts than they were in the late 1980s. ; En 2001, Les legislatrices d'etat aux Etats-Unis sont plus liberates dans leur ideologic politique et leur attitude envers les politiques que leurs collegues du sexe oppose, tout comme elles l'etaient en 1988. Cependant, un changement notable est evident dans les predispositions ideologiques. Les representantes Republicaines en 2001 sont plus conservatrices et plus comme leurs homologues masculins qu'elles ne l'etaient vers la fin des annees 80.