Suchergebnisse

The trend toward privatization, which began with privatization experiments in the UK under Margaret Thatcher and the deregulation of the telecommunications sector in the United States, has attracted the attention of policymakers over the past two decades. Privatization is broadly supported by most academic economists, but the results of actual privatization efforts seem mixed. In the UK, for example, telecom rates fell sharply after privatization, but privatized rail service was widely perceived to have declined dramatically in quality. In this CESifo volume, international experts examine the experiences of 10 EU countries, evaluating the real outcomes of privatization policies in Austria, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain, and the UK. - The effects of privatization - which includes not only changes in ownership of public activitiesand entities but also liberalization of markets and deregulation - are difficult to distinguish from the effects of other economywide influences. The studies in this volume meet this methodological challenge by using a well-defined set of criteria, including reducing consumer prices, increasing quantity, and improving quality, by which to make their assessments. Background chapters provide a conceptual framework for considering the issues.

Mexico and the European Union signed a new Political and Economic Association Agreement in December 1997 and ultimately a free-trade agreement in March 2000, aiming to establish a new model of relations with a more dynamic trade and investment component. This article analyzes the 1997 agreement as background to the final accord. Economic and political changes in the 1990s modified both parties' participation in the international political economy, helping to overcome some of the structural obstacles to the relationship. The policy toward Latin America adopted by the EU in 1994 was influential. The negotiation process revealed divergences over the scope of the liberalization process and the so-called democracy clause.

The failure of multiculturalism in the EU, confirmed by the key players of the European political scene Merkel, Sarkozy and Cameron (we have seen that only A. Merkel has survived) can be seen as a failure of European Union. Regardless the fact that the policy of multiculturalism has failed, multiculturalism is still, as a living experience of diversity, fact of our daily lives. The political approach to cultural diversity in EU is therefore necessary to change. Today it is not the main question how to live 'with' diversity but how to live 'in' diversity.In this article, we will try to analyze a report Living together. Combining diversity and freedom in 21st-century Europe presented by the Council of Europe in 2011.

The result of an effective management of the redistribution of European Union funds should be a reduction of disparities between EU regions by guaranteeing their comprehensive and harmonious development and supporting the economic and social cohesion of member countries. A poorly-conducted programming process of financial interventionism, the source of which is EU funds, may result in divergence between regions, the direct effect of which would be their social and economic marginalisation. For this reason, it is important to skillfully manage those funds. The main aim of this article is to present the factors affecting the decision-making process of the use of EU co-financing, and that includes the pandemic as an external variable being a threat to the implementation of investments from the EU's structural funds. To explain the multivariate associations between explanatory variables and the binary outcome variables, logistic regression was employed. Based on the tests' results, significant associations were observed between the dependent variable and (a) participation in training co-financed by EU funds, (b) receiving information regarding additional EU funds as pandemic support, and (c) the suspension of planned investments using EU funds due to the pandemic situation. A comprehensive distribution of respondents according to the response categories in the analysed variables within the entire sample (N = 950) was presented. Corresponding associations were evident within a sub-sample (N = 303). The model showed that all significant independent variables explain the use of EU funds, but the model explains just 28.6% of the decision to use the funds. Thus, the following study indicates directions that require further research.

We introduce the notion of language disenfranchisement which arises if the number of EU working languages is reduced. We use the data on language proficiency in EU and show that, in spite of the widespread knowledge of English, the retention of French and German as working languages in essential to avoid a too large degree of disenfranchisement of citizens. The picture, however, becomes somewhat different if we consider the population under age of 40. We also argue that even though French is the second leading language within the EU, the situation is likely to be reversed after the enlargement.

"European Political Cooperation (EPC)" published on by Oxford University Press.

Iliescu, I.: Romania and the European integration. - S. 3-5. Berindei, D.: Les Roumains et l'Europe au cours de l'histoire. - S. 6-11. Ene, C.: Accession to the European Union: Concepts and procedures. - S. 12-18. Nastase, A.: The parliamentary dimension of the European integration. - S. 19-25. Melescanu, T.: The accession to the European Union: The fundamental option of Romania's foreign policy. - S. 26-30. Prisacaru, G.: The national strategy preparing Romania's accession to the European Union. - S. 31-55. Radocea, A.: Economic revival - perequisite of Romania's integration into European structures. - S. 56-82. Georgescu, F.: Economic and financial reform - premise for Romania's partenerial integration into the European Union. - S. 83-99. Isarescu, M.:Monetary and banking reform in Romania and European integration. - S. 100-112. Comanescu, L.: The structured dialogue and the preparation of the associated countries of Central Europe for accession into the European Union. - S. 113-118. Popescu, D.: La strategie du developpement de l'industrie dans le processus de preparation de l'adhesion de la Roumanie a l'Union europeenne. - S. 119-134. Rauta, C.: L'impact de l'adhesion a l'Union europeenne sur l'agriculture de la Roumanie. - S. 135-142. Mihailescu, S.: European integration and directions of transport re-structuring. - S. 143-152. Constantinescu, V.: The Romanian Academy, its research strategy and the integration of Romania into the European Union. - S. 153-163. Berinde, M.: The European agreement - an important stage in the development of mutual trade relations. - S. 164-172. Guran, M.: A strategy towards setting up a national information infrastructure. - S. 173-180. Jelev, I.: Environmental issues in Romania and its European integration. - S. 181-192. Idu, N.: European Union PHARE assistance programme: An important support t prepare Romania for accession. - S. 193-215. Duhaneanu, S.: Le trinome cooperation-creativite-competitivite dans l'actuel environnement concurrentiel du marche europeen et international. - S. 216-234

Economists and policy analysts recognize a well-designed cap-and-trade scheme as the premier approach to effectively reduce carbon emissions. However, politics is bound to play a major role in the policymaking process—more so with carbon dioxide emissions than other pollutants like sulfur dioxide. This paper examines the political climate in which the major trading scheme in the European Union was proposed in order to explore how politics affects the programs' environmental integrity and ultimate policy outcome. Based on an analysis of the EU's program, many pieces need to align within the political landscape for a cap-and-trade system to pass the policymaking body, let alone an ambitious one.

ON 17 SEPTEMBER 1995 THE SWEDISH PEOPLE WERE GIVEN THEIR FIRST OPPORTUNITY TO VOTE IN DIRECT ELECTIONS FOR THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT. THE ELECTION PROVED A SUCCESS FOR "MILJOPARTIET DE GRONA" (ENVIRONMENTAL PARTY-THE GREENS) WHICH RECEIVED 17 PER CENT OF THE VOTE AND GAINED FOUR SEATS IN THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT. THIS PROFILE OUTLINES THE CENTRAL FEATURES OF MILJOPARTIET'S CAMPAIGN AND THE IMPACT THIS RESULT HAS HAD BOTH WITHIN THE SWEDISH POLITICAL ARENA, AND WITHIN THE PARTY ITSELF.

Die europäische Integration ist eine Erfolgsgeschichte. Gleichwohl steht die Integration vor schwerwiegenden Herausforderungen. Der Beitrag skizziert Strukturen und Herausforderungen der EU, fragt, wie es um die Bestandsfähigkeit der Organisation bestellt ist, entwirft Szenarien zur künftigen Entwicklung und skizziert, wie ein neues Integrationsmodell aussehen könnte. Es wird argumentiert, dass die Integration sich künftig flexibler gestalten wird und die EU eher einer "European Onion" gleichen wird. Die künftige Organisationsform der EU ist damit offener denn je (Original übernommen).

This paper aims to give a new perspective on the issue of sovereignty in the European context. In this context, we argue that the EU can contribute to increase Member States sovereignty. Many academic circles have advocated that the EU limits State's sovereignty. This is why we intend to present a new approach to sovereignty in the European context. In order to present our argument we will discuss and debate the concept of sovereignty, both in the internal and external dimensions, which are associated with the concept of power. Then we will check if European states have the necessary means that enables them to project their power. We'll also argue that there are real limitations, in current capabilities, and in resources availability needed to develop them in the future. We'll also present the concept of politics of scale, arguing that we can apply this concept to develop state's capabilities, which allow the necessary power projection, which enhances state's sovereignty. This found that pooling and sharing will increase EU member states sovereignty, since it will allow a greater ability to project power, which is essential to support the external dimension of sovereignty. Thus, through a process of sharing and pooling member states will have the ability to defend their interests on a global scale, a level of intervention that will be denied if they choose to pursue individually. We also conclude that the current economic crisis may be used has a catalyst to deepen these mechanisms.