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This paper is a case study of Brazilian industrialists' attitudes towards changes in labor relations during the transition to democracy. It is based on extensive interviews with 155 industrial elites in Brazil during 1987-1988. It explores why business elites can and will tolerate democracy, even when it does not always act in their specific interests. It focuses on four key variables in the transition period: 1) the degree of radicalism in society; 2) the pace of change; 3) business elites' institutional channels; and 4) business elites' political strength.

The contributions present in the thematic issue Generational Relations – Life Paths and Experiences of Socialisation deal with the interplay between generational relations on the one hand and life paths and socialisation experiences on the other. The topic is explored using empirical examples from different political systems and social contexts as well as from different fields of migration. The issue is composed by five articles – two in German and three in English – and one book review, with contributions coming from Switzerland, Germany, Portugal and Brazil.

Many international legal scholars and foreign governments have argued that the recent war in Iraq violated international law. This paper, published as part of an Agora in the American Journal of International Law, criticizes this view on two grounds. It explains that these scholars have failed to properly read existing United Nations Security Council resolutions that authorized the use of force against Iraq. Even putting the United Nations to one side, this paper explains that the use of force could have been justified, at the time of the invasion of Iraq in the spring of 2003, as an exercise of self-defense. It argues that traditional notions of self-defense, which permit the anticipatory use of force before an offensive attack occurs, have changed to take into account the greater magnitude of destruction of weapons of mass destruction and the behavior of rogue states.

The art of rhetoric (Aristotle) is the art of persuasion: using forms of talk to gather people together - to forge agreement and thereby stimulate [positive] action. How one gets others to agree (with them) - and act on that agreement - is of prominent concern for politicians and those aiming to influence social policy, and is inevitably done through interaction. The campaign speeches during the US Presidential Election Campaign of 2008 have attracted the attention of a wide range of scholars in Sociology, Political Science, and Communication studies. Although Atkinson (1984), Heritage and Greatbatch (1986), Clayman (1993), and others have radically transformed our understanding of the devices speechmakers use to coordinate audience response ("clap trap"), to date no social or political scientist has described how these moments are stitched together, in real time, to organize the speeches - presidential or otherwise; and we know little about the differences between alternative forms of collective appreciation (e.g., applause versus chanting), and what this might tell us about the different social relations that speakers can establish with audience members by varying specific components of their speech. As a consequence, we understand very little about how politicians compose specific political messages, or how these are shaped by the changing [media] landscape of modern political campaigns. This research tackles these issues directly by developing a detailed analysis of campaign rally speeches as well as the audience's responses using the tools of Conversation Analysis. Through a descriptive and analytic account of the underlying normative organization of campaign speeches and the contingencies facing both speakers and audience members, this research considers how speakers use these occasions to shape - even transform - the opportunities and bases for public participation in the political process; demonstrating how the distinctive turn-taking system and its relationship to the "institutional occasion" (c.f., Sacks, Schegloff, and Jefferson, 1974; Atkinson and Drew, 1979; Atkinson, 1982; Heritage 1984; Heritage and Greatbatch, 1991; Drew and Heritage, 1992; ) - and the forms of political expression they enable - are consequential for the social relations built through them. In this respect, this research offers a novel approach to a basic question posed by politicians and social/political scientists: What sort of social relations do political leaders establish with the constituents they serve? And how are modern campaign events used to establish such relations? Specifically, an account of the orderliness, structure, and sequential patterns of talk-in-interaction reveals the ways candidates exploit the interactive organization of speech giving in different ways: how different rhetorical forms were used to make relevant different forms of collective appreciation by audience members (e.g., applause versus chants), which allowed candidates to establish different relations with the public (e.g., did the audience agree with the speaker, or did the speaker agree with the audience?); which building blocks used over the course of a speech (and the entire campaign) could be used to mobilize audience members' participation in events beyond the campaign event, and which caused others' speeches to be more inert? This research offers the most complex (and complete) understanding of modern campaign speeches to date, as well as compelling new findings to help understand why some speeches campaigns are more successful than others.

ARTICLE EXAMINES THE ROLE OF SURPRISE IN FOREIGN POLICY, FOCUSING ON THE DIPLOMATIC REALM. SURPRISE DIPLOMACY IS DESCRIBED AS A WAY TO TRANSCEND OLD POLICIES THROUGH TWO INTERRELATED ELEMENTS: SECRECY AND SHOCK. AND A SURPRISE IS AN UNEXPECTED MOVE WHICH HAS CONSIDERABLE IMPACT ON THE REAL OF PERCEIVED BALANCE OF POWER IN THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM. COST AND BENEFITS ARE DISCUSSED AND EXAMPLES PRESENTED.

This article considers the ways in which provincial elites in the Peruvian Andes of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries addressed the task of dismantling colonial institutions and relations. It draws on material from a municipal archive to trace how the land-for-labour 'pact of reciprocity' linking the town of Tarma both to the central state and to the indigenous hinterland was re-worked and eventually brought to an end. The contexts in which a postcolonial discourse of the Indian emerged are explored, and are understood as linked to struggles between local government and central state over the deployment of indigenous labour.

THE CRISIS BETWEN TURKEY AND GREECE IN 1996 OVER AN UNINHABITED ISLET HIGHLIGHTED THE FRAGILITY OF PEACE AND STABILITY IN THE AEGEAN AND THE NEED FOR TURKEY AND GREECE TO SETTLE THEIR DIFFERENCES. KOSTAS SIMITIS, THE GREEK PRIME MINISTER, WAS WILLING TO BREAK WITH PAST GREEK POLICIES AND IMPROVE RELATIONS WITH TURKEY. MEETING IN MADRID UNDER PRESSURE FROM THE UNITED STATES AND THE EUROPEAN UNION, REPRESENTATIVES OF THE TWO COUNTRIES WERE ABLE TO REACH A BETTER LEVEL OF UNDERSTANDING. HOWEVER, THE CONTINUATION OF THE POLITICAL CRISIS IN TURKEY AND ANKARA'S TOUGHNESS OVER CYPRUS HAVE RAISED DOUBTS ABOUT THE FUTURE OF THE NEW BILATERAL PROCESS.

Contents: Preface -- Part I Frameworks for central-local government relations -- 1. Frameworks for central-local government relations and fiscal sustainability / Peter J. Morgan and Long Q. Trinh -- 2. Looking beyond conventional intergovernmental fiscal frameworks: principles, realities, and neglected issues / Paul Smoke -- Part II Mechanisms for Promoting Fiscal Sustainability at the Local Government Level -- 3. Federalism, fiscal space, and public investment spending: do fiscal rules impose hard budget constraints? / Pinaki Chakraborty -- 4. Fiscal equalization schemes and subcentral government borrowing / Salvador Barrios and Diego Martínez-López -- 5. How well do subnational borrowing regulations work? / Jorge Martinez-Vazquez and Violeta Vulovic -- Part III Country studies of central-local government relations -- 6. The fiscal risk of local government revenue in the People's Republic of China / Ziying Fan and Guanghua Wan -- 7. Key issues of central and local government finance in the People's Republic of China / Qichun Zhang and Shufang Li -- 8. Government decentralization program in Indonesia / Anwar Nasution -- 9. Case study of central and local government finance in Japan / Shun-ichiro Bessho -- 10. Fiscal decentralization and local budget deficits in Viet Nam: an empirical analysis / Peter J. Morgan and Long Q. Trinh -- Part IV Behavioral implications of central-local government relations -- 11. Debt dynamics, fiscal deficit, and stability in government borrowing in India: a dynamic panel analysis / Panchanan Das -- 12. Forms of government decentralization and institutional quality: evidence from a large sample of nations / Rajeev K. Goel and James W. Saunoris -- Index.

An examination of the history of profit-sharing and co-partnership in England in the nineteenth century serves two purposes. One is to add to the growing body of evidence which contradicts the generalization that in the third quarter of the nineteenth century trade unionists were beginning to espouse the capitalist ethic; the other aim of this paper is to draw attention to one of three innovations in the history of labour relations in this period. Of these, both arbitration and conciliation, and cooperation have received considerable attention from historians, but profit-sharing and labour co-partnership schemes, which were forcefully canvassed by such prominent contemporary figures as G. J. Holyoake, respected veteran chartist, and George Potter, the influential labour leader, have not attracted the attention they deserve. The Royal Commission on Trade Unions in 1868 was chiefly concerned with the legal status of trade unions, yet in addition to their discussion of arbitration and conciliation the commissioners took evidence on the progress and achievements of profit-sharing and co-partnership. This reflected the existence of considerable interest in this subject at that time, which in turn provides evidence of the search by contemporaries for a solution to the growing problem of conflict between capital and labour, a matter which generated an extensive literature in the 1860s. The historical failure of profit-sharing, in terms of its limited growth and its lack of success as a method of improving labour relations, even compared with the progress of arbitration and conciliation, does not excuse the historian from neglecting a subject about which a number of influential contemporaries evidently felt strongly – though as it subsequently proved with excessive optimism. This article sets out to describe briefly the origins of the profit-sharing movement of the nineteenth century, proceeds to analyse the course of development, and finally examines its significance within the context of labour relations in England in the period 1850 to 1914.