Suchergebnisse

Статья посвящена анализу политического завещания лидера Итальянской компартии Пальмиро Тольятти, поставившего целью преодоление раскола в коммунистическом движении и геополитического конфликта СССР и КНР в условиях нового витка холодной войны. Особое внимание уделяется исследованию предложенной им модели механизма и путей разрешения конфликтов в их острой стадии. ; This article deals with the analysis of Togliatti's Memorandum political testament of Italian Communist leader. The leader has defined as its main objective the process of overcoming the split within the international communistic movement with the geopolitical conflict of the USSR and the People's Republic of China under the circumstances of a new round of the Cold War. The special attention is paid to research models and mechanisms and ways of conflict resolution during their most acute stage.

The promotion of democracy in Cuba has been, especially after the Cold War, a distinguishing feature of US foreign policy towards Havana. This article analyzes the evolution in US democracy promotion in Cuba, especially after the latest openings to Cuba (December 2014). Regarding the promotion of democracy on the island, the so-called 'abandonment of democracy' in US foreign policy never took place, and this implies a renovated effort to foster regime change - or at least a regime evolution - in Cuba. Obama resisted the virulent and invasive rhetoric of the 'Bush doctrine', and introduced some changes in US-Cuba state-to-state relations, while giving a strong relevance to the 'people-to-people's diplomacy' and 'public diplomacy', still perceived as tools to foster a political change on the island.

AbstractSince its foundation, militant democratic arguments have underpinned an enforced secularism in Turkey. The 2002 election of the AKP, described as a "moderate Islamist party", has challenged Turkey's secular identity. In the more than twelve years since the AKP has been in power, Turkey's political landscape has experienced significant changes, with periods of extensive democratic reforms punctuated by regression in certain areas, notably freedom of expression and the right to protest. State repressive measures coupled with Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's reluctance to exit the political stage have been the focus of much commentary and analysis. This article argues, however, that under AKP rule the Kurdish issue – critical to ensuring the normalization of politics and democratization in Turkey – has been brought in from the political cold and assesses the creation and role of the HDP (

AbstractWhen it comes to buying military aircraft, what leads states to prefer one supplier over the other? This paper explores this question from the perspective of international relations theory. First we use social network analysis to map out fighter jet transfers during and after the Cold War and examine the extent to which historical structures of international hierarchy shape contemporary supplier-receiver relationships. Next, we use a basic probit model to analyse the origins of fighter jets in the world's air forces today to evaluate the effect of interstate orders of super-ordination and sub-ordination on sourcing patterns. All things being equal, the more a state is embedded in US security and economic hierarchy, the more it is likely to buy American-made fighter jets.

In this qualitative study of school discourse on national day commemorations, focus is on the "social creativity strategies" through which group members can improve their social identity. Discourse analysis was carried out on thirty-nine teachers' speeches delivered in Greek schools between 1998 and 2004. The speakers scorn rationality and logic, stereotypically attributed to "the West" (a "West" which is perceived not to include Greece), as cold and not human. The Greeks' successful national struggles are presented instead as the result of irrationality. They claim irrationality to be the most human and thus the most valuable quality, which places Greece first in the world hierarchy. The results are further discussed in terms of their implications for learning and teaching in the classroom, as well as for policy and research.

European integration studies has recently seen the first signs of a belated critical turn. While new approaches have started to challenge the way the European Union is conventionally studied, they are yet to investigate in detail the relationship between the academic field and its primary object of study. This article draws on work in critical geopolitics to explore one of the interfaces of academic knowledge on European integration and the world of policy: the Jean Monnet Programme. In highlighting the scheme's role in the EU's Eastern geopolitics, it argues that European integration studies resembles other forms of area studies, such as cold war era Sovietology. This comparison elucidates both the field's long-standing resilience to critical theory and its inability to anticipate the recent crisis of the European project.

After World War II, bilateral agreements within the Eastern bloc brought youth from the newly established satellite states of Eastern Europe to study in higher education establishments in the USSR. Designed to impart Soviet knowledge and practices in the countries of people's democracy as well as to create a sense of solidarity within the bloc, the training of East Europeans in the center of world communism proved a tension-filled affair. Spurred by the xenophobia and chauvinism of the Soviet home front during the early Cold War, Soviet administrators, faculty members and students related to the foreign students, despite their socialist credentials, as outsiders and sometimes as carriers of unwanted influences. For this reason, the educational agreements deepened the sense that fundamental differences existed between the Soviet Union and its client states in Europe.

In the 1990s, international legal scholarship was marked by democratic idealism and the belief that democracy had become the only legitimate political system. The more radical proposals even speculated about legality of pro-democratic intervention. Such re-conceptualizations of international law were met with determined criticism. However, even skeptical voices were willing to admit that democracy nevertheless did have some limited normative force in post-Cold War international law. While it would be an exaggeration to say that nondemocratic governments are illegitimate per se, a consensus started to emerge that international law prohibited at least a coup against a democratic government. In the absence of a workable definition of substantive democracy for international law purposes, a democratic government was understood as an authority which comes to power in an electoral process that is reasonably free and fair.

This paper discusses the Eichmann trial (1961) as a transnational media event. It describes on the one hand the co-operation of different institutions that facilitated the trial's filming as well as the worldwide distribution of the footage. On the other hand it draws on East and West German television programs to show how the GDR used the Eichmann trial to campaign against the FRG. Examples from the East German Der schwarze Kanal and the West German Die rote Optik illustrate the reciprocal monitoring and commenting of the other side's television program. The case of the Eichmann trial points at a significant role of broadcast media during the Cold War. Television advocated the respective political system with particular programs denigrating the other side which sometimes resulted in strong reactions.

В статье рассматривается вопрос влияния геополитического фактора на характер эволюции конфессиональной лексики на севере и юге корейского полуострова. Особое внимание при этом обращается на географическую обусловленность культурной специфики и как следствие специфики развития языка. Эволюция языка изучается в контексте политического разделения Кореи в период холодной войны и в последующее время. ; In the article the issue of geopolitical factor influence on the nature of evolution of confessional vocabulary in the north and in the south of the Korean peninsula is considered. Special attention is drawn to the geographical conditionality of the cultural specificity and, as a consequence, the specificity of the language development. The evolution of the language is studied in the context of political division of Korea in the period of the cold war and after that.

After the outbreak of the Ukrainian crisis in the spring of 2014, the former Soviet Union again became front-page news. The sequence of events led to an atmosphere reminiscent of the Cold War. In Russia itself it led to a hunt for 'national traitors' and 'foreign agents' and observers both inside the country and abroad fear a return to Soviet-style repression. For the outside world this may come as a surprise, but human rights activists have been ringing the alarm bells for a few years. Ever since Vladimir Putin took power, the human rights situation has deteriorated. One of the warning signs was the return of the use of psychiatry for political purposes, to 'prevent' social or political activism or to ostracise an activist.

Although the notion of environmental security is a relatively new dimension of international relations, and of politics in general, it would be inane to assume that problems of environmental change are in any way novel. Environmental security is a phenomenon that is distinctively associated with the end of the Cold War. Much attention has been paid in both the scholarly literature and the policy community to the potential for conflict to arise as a result of environmental degradation. The aim of this article is to examine the nexus between environmental degradation and the potential for violent conflict by specifically referring to the potential for conflict to arise out of fresh water disputes by utilising the Nile River and Okavango River Basins as case studies.

This is an Accepted Manuscript of a book chapter published by Routledge in 'Italy's foreign policy in the twenty-first century: a contested nature?' on 31/10/2014, available online: http://www.routledge.com/9781138504134/. ; Since the end of the Cold War, Italy has sought to frame its relations with different southern Mediterranean countries inside various European multilateral initiatives. The Italian foreign policy objective to achieve stability and dependability in such relations has largely been met through the launch of different European Union (EU) framework policies, such as the 1995 Barcelona Process and more recently the 2008 Union for the Mediterranean (Aliboni 1999, Carbone 2008). The Italian diplomacy's preferred approach, one can thus infer, has been to Europeanise its foreign policy in the Mediterranean area, whenever possible (Balfour 2005).

This paper speaks to the condition of the modern by reflecting on its afterlife in the national and the international and its emergence within the colonial. Through examples cited from Philippine art history, the latter is set up as a fundamental moment of the national and the extension beyond it with its perceived others elsewhere in the international system. The other gesture of the paper is to locate this moment of the international within a region delineated as Southeast Asia. Through four polemical texts that have informed the Southeast Asian modern, this effort finally contributes to the conversation on the modern as a transformative process from the nineteenth century through the Cold War under the productively fraught auspice of the international. Adapted from the source document.