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'Very often it was no more than a phrase used to inhibit thought. Frequently appealed to, it was seldom analysed in real depth or formulated with genuine rigour. Writers tended to shy away from the questions it raised and the difficulties it involved.' Professor Anderson's somewhat bleak statement about the eighteenth century use of the theory of the balance of power in international relations relects the tendency of writers concerned to analyse theories of international relations to concentrate on the opinions and writings of prominent intellectuals, eminent jurists, distinguished writers and famous statesmen. It is the intention of this note to draw attention to less eminent sources for eighteenth century views on international relations, and to suggest that far from being constrained by an inhibiting model of international relations, that of the balance of power, interpretations of European developments were aided by the very ambiguity and flexibility of the concept.

Mit der Ablehnung eines umfassenden Gesetzespakets 2010 hat der Kongress Obamas klimapolitische Ambitionen schon früh eingegrenzt. Es bedarf neuer gesellschaftlicher Allianzen, um in den USA und international grundlegende Änderungen zu erreichen. (APUZ)

Meinungsaustausch zu aktuellen Problemen der internationalen Politik und der Menschenrechte insbesondere. Der Bericht gibt die Kernfragen der Debatte mit Akzent auf Polen, die Türkei, Friedensbewegung in der DDR und die deutsch-deutsche Beziehungen wieder. BIOST/CRP

Marketers and retailers have to understand how to manage different consumer perception levels of retail brands, which have a major determining role on store loyalty across different complex contexts. Addressing these issues, Bettina Berg analyzes first whether corporate reputation and retail store equity have a reciprocal relationship in determining store loyalty. Second, she evaluates whether retail brand equity or store accessibility provides a greater contribution to store loyalty across different local competitive situations. Third, she investigates whether perceptions of format specific core attributes differ in their impact on the brand building process in saturated and emerging markets

The campaign against money laundering reflects recent international concern, rooted in moral considerations. Aimed at eliminating dirty money, it relies on a minimum consensus linking a wide range of players & entails the simultaneous promotion of standards, institutions, & professional practices designed to extend to all parts of the world. In analysing the case of Russia, I seek to show that the implementation of international standards does not necessarily imply a commitment to common values or even to a common vision of the objectives of anti-laundering. The Russian example highlights, on the contrary, the latitude afforded to states to define the moral issues at stake in the fight against money laundering, in accordance with domestic concerns. This margin of flexibility is intrinsically linked to the ambiguities in the formulation at international level of the moral objectives of action to combat money laundering. References. Adapted from the source document.

The conflict in Darfur is one of the world's worst humanitarian disasters. The fact that the Sudanese government, including its current sitting head of state, played a critical role in orchestrating the murder, rape, and displacement of hundreds of thousands of people in the regionmakes the violence perpetrated in this region particularly egregious. In an effort to address these problems, the U.N. Security Council referred the matter to the International Criminal Court (ICC). After its investigation, the ICC granted an arrest warrant for President Bashir, which charged him with crimes against humanity. Under the Rome Treaty, the U.N. Security Council can delay prosecution of President Bashir indefinitely, and certain sectors of the international community are pressuring it to do just that. Those that support the delay fear that allowing the prosecution to move forward will derail potential peace negotiations and result in more violence in the country. To support their contention, they cited threats made by the Sudanese government to escalate attacks. While the U.N. must address these threats, delaying prosecution is the wrong solution. This Note argues that allowing threats of violence to derail the pursuit of justice could irreparably damage the court's international reputation and credibility. To bolster the legitimacy of the ICC, strengthen international criminal justice, and deter future leaders from following President Bashir's destructive example, the U.N. and the rest of the international community must support the ICC in its apprehension of President Bashir and support the court in holding him accountable for his crimes.

This article examines American conceptions of sovereignty — as they appear in the writings of US scholars of international law, and those US international relations scholars who deal with international law. At first glance, the US literature is dominated by two distinct conceptions of sovereignty: 1. A statist conception that privileges the territorial integrity and political independence of governments regardless of their democratic or undemocratic character; 2. A popular conception that privileges the rights of peoples rather than governments, especially when widespread human rights violations are committed by a totalitarian regime. However, on closer examination, the two conceptions are in fact different manifestations of a single, uniquely American conception of sovereignty - one which elevates the United States above other countries and seeks to protect it against outside influences while, concurrently, maximizing its ability to intervene overseas. The single conception of sovereignty is able to encompass both statist and popular sub-conceptions because the latter have different - though not mutually exclusive - agendas. The statist conception is concerned with protecting the United States against outside influences and has little to say about the sovereignty of other countries. The popular conception is concerned with limiting the sovereignty of other countries and has little to say about the sovereignty of the United States. This article exposes the single US conception of sovereignty - as it exists in the academic literature of international law and international relations — and arrives at some tentative conclusions derived from the unique position and history of the world's most powerful state.

Widespread violations of international humanitarian law (IHL) in today's armed conflicts continues to be a critical challenge for the international community. Many actors such as United Nations agencies, the International Committee of the Red Cross, or non-governmental organizations (NGOs) engage with parties to conflict to promote their compliance with IHL. In this intervention, I will focus on the positive role that non-traditional actors, such as non-state armed groups (NSAGs) and their constituencies, may play in this regard. My argument draws mainly from my experience with Geneva Call, a humanitarian NGO that has been engaging NSAGs toward IHL compliance over the past twenty years.

After the Security Council had established the international administration
in Kosovo on grounds of the Resolution no. 1244 of 10 June 1999 for the
construction and reconstruction of the legal and economic systems, the
support and protection of human rights, the provision of humanitarian and
other assistance, it adopted the conclusion that the achievement of a
political settlement for the southern Serbian province would primarily depend
on the development and consolidation of peace and security. Accordingly, in
May 2001, the international administration adopted the Constitutional
Framework for Provisional Self- Government in Kosovo, which defined the
status of the Serbian southern province as a whole and indivisible
territorial entity under the interim international administration. The
Constitutional Framework is regulated as a substantial transfer of state
responsibilities by the peoples of Kosovo and Metohija to the provisional
institutions of self-government and it should ?enjoy substantial autonomy
within the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia?. This institutional development is
aimed at establishing constructive cooperation among various ethnic
communities in order to build a common democratic state. Since this solution
is not quite legally balanced, it could not go without any negative
consequences in terms of national sovereignty. The suspension of sovereignty
of the Republic of Serbia in Kosovo and Metohija has eventually contributed
to creating of the conditions for the socalled unilateral declaration of
independence of the Republic of Kosovo. The analysis of the activities
undertaken in the field of resolving the status issue after the unilateral
declaration of independence of 17 February 2008 suggests that the solution
for the Kosovo and Metohija should be primarily sought within the United
Nations system.